Class T\510 



"C" COMPANY 

OU<R BOOK 

Of {he Company * For {he Company 3 
^By {he Company 




"We build the roads where ofhers march to &lory, 
^Brofhers in danger, suffering and cold: 
< T\xey are fhe heroes of a world-wide story — 
Ours is a story fhat is never told. 

Is fhe &ame hard? 'The better worth the playing,; 

We are the men who meet and conquer chance. 
Victory treads the roads that we are laying; 

Justice is coming, 'Belgium, 'T'eace, O France." 

— Amelia J. Burr. 



"C" Company 23rd 'Regiment of United States Highway Engineers. 
In the United States and France, eNovember 1917, to June, 1919. 



31 5^ 



dedicated 
to 

Our Friendships in 
the e/4rmy° 



THIS, OU<R <BGDK, 

is only incidentally a history. We claim for it 
neither historical nor engineering value. It is 
written neither for public entertainment nor as 
a library reference book. Its authors are various 
and numerous and will be their own readers. 
No effort has been made to follow any rules of 
literature. OUR BOOK lacks continuity. It has 
no set style. 

OUR BOOK is written to preserve the mem- 
ories of our association as a company fathered 
from many States of the Union. 

For OUR BOOK we offer no apologies to its 
rea ders — ourselves . 



INTRODUCTION 



I DEEM it a special privilege that I am permitted to add the introduction to this, 
your history, C Company. You really wrote this history into your lives between 
the fall of 1917 and June, 1919, part of it in this country but most of it in France. 
It has now been put on paper and the opportunity I have had in helping to gather the 
material together has given me real pleasure. Now that it is finished I want to take 
this time to say to you, officially, what has been in my mind and my heart since we all 
came home. And because I shared with you the littleness and the bigness of it, and, 
after the armistice, the flatness of it, too, I am sure you will forgive me if I sometimes 
say "we" where I should say "you." 

You enlisted for building highways in France and went over for "the good of 
your own souls" and the defeat of the Germans, though you only admitted the latter. 
And while you were there you did your "bit" and came home infinitely richer than 
when you went. You did the usual amount of complaining, had the usual disappoint- 
ments of men who went for specialized work and were given little opportunity to do it, 
and did your full share of whatever was given you to do. It was hard for you in 
more than physical hardship. You had enlisted, feeling that this one job of road 
building you did know how to do and in this work you could give the best you had 
in you to give. Then many of you were put at unskilled labor and you often saw 
your work being done by incompetents when you knew how it should have been 
done. I saw this happen in other units and in other organizations than the army 
and I watched it in your camp and it gave me much to think about. We all know 
now that much of what we called mismanagement was unavoidable because the job 
was so big and there was so much need for haste. But I could not help wishing that 
every man over there might have come back to this country at the finish, having been 
given the chance to do the work he knew best how to do and knowing he had done 
it well. It would have meant a returning army that would have left no need for 
"reconstruction" in this country. But that could not be and C Company came, like 
all the rest, uncertain as to just what you had done or for how much it had counted. 
You had seen a very small part of the big game you had played. You had been very 
close to your part — too close to see it in its relation to the rest. 

And now, after two years and more, I hope the vision is beginning to come that 
you did in France the thing there was most need for your doing. And that now it is 
over, it has prepared you for a greater work. No man could go through such an 
experience and remain the same. There were those that army life brutalized but they 
were few and this Company, I think, had none of them. So far as I have been able 
to judge it has not even "made bums of you," as you so often said it would. The 
alternative is a bigger, broader vision. Having offered even your lives, if need be, 
and had them given back to you, you must feel that these lives stand for something 
worth while. For us who went to France and came back life can never be quite the 
same. The Britisher we knew is not a descendant of some one who fought our 
ancestors in 1776 (that having been done by the Prussians as King George could not 
find Englishmen to do it), but he is a human person who may now be living in Scotland 
or Canada or Australia. International relations have a very different meaning than 



Introduction 



5 



once they did. Our neighbors may live as far away as a little village in France. So 
I hope the old wound of disappointment has healed and that you are coming to a reali- 
zation of your larger citizenship — and your power. The future of our country for 
this generation and the next lies in the hands of the A.E.F. and you can make it what 
you will — you who have answered the bugle calls in France and stood shoulder to 
shoulder on foreign soil to sing your own national anthem. It gives me a safe sort 
of feeling, when I hear people speak of Bolshevism in this country, to think of you, 
scattered from coast to coast, because I know your brand of "Bolshevism" and I've 
seen it work. 

And now just a little, C Company, to make you understand what you did for 
me. I may as well say in the beginning what you all know I am going to say: that 
it is the best Company that ever went crusading into a foreign land. Can't I prove 
it by each of you that, yourself excepted, it is? And you can all prove it by me. How 
else would I have this to tell you. 

I had been in France for more than five months when I was left on your front 
door step one rainy Sunday afternoon, in October, 1918, a very homesick person for 
just a little touch of "The States" somewhere. I had had some unhappy experiences 
and disappointments much like your own and I think the powers higher up sent me 
to you for discipline. Central Park was a very damp place in a rain but mess in 
the officers quarters and an evening in the canteen were more like "home" than any- 
thing I had experienced since sailing from New York. You will never know how 
I struggled with your names and how many of them I never did fit to your faces 
until we started home. But faces and personalities were more easily kept together 
and personalities were never submerged in our army. It was that fact which won for 
you your Bolshevist fame. You had always done your own thinking and acted "on 
your own" and a few months of army discipline didn't seem to change you. It was 
hard on the red tape and the tempers of your superiors. 

I had been so homesick that it was well I did not know then that women were 
not wanted in camp by many of you. But you did not let me find that out. You 
camouflaged it well and long after, when I did know, it had lost its sting. With 
conditions as they were there must have been times when you wished me elsewhere 
but I never was made to feel that. And so I came to share your camp and your life. 
You told me of all that had gone before until I felt a part of it. You laughed at me 
and fried doughnuts for me and kept me busy most of the time. At one thing I have 
always marveled — the frankly normal way in which you accepted the abnormal. Your 
life was outside the range of anyone's former experience and you accepted it as such, 
without selfconsciousness. You took things as they came and made the best of them. 
When nothing could be made of them you accepted that too. You were cheerful 
when you might have been discouraged ; you were clean when there was little water 
and that little, cold ; you lived sanely when anything else would have been easier ; 
you kept your morale when there was nothing to help you ; and you not only made 
"bricks without straw," you made something out of nothing. Our camp was more 
than a camp. You put personality into it and made it a home, so that any visitor for 
a day or an hour felt it. You didn't lose your sense of humor nor your faith in your- 
selves, and what came you took standing, and usually with a grin. 



6 



C Company, Our Book 



It was something of a privilege to have lived with you for seven months. If you 
took me in quietly at first I appreciated the sincere growth of your friendship. When 
you tramped over the hills with me or gave me a place on the seat of your truck it 
wasn't what I saw or where we went that counted most, but that you were ready to 
share it with me, and that I could see it through your experience. It was most unusual 
for a woman to see any war at such close range and this war most of all. You fur- 
nished the reason for my being there and then interpreted it for me. 

But I am grateful for more than your being a reason. I liked your unspoken 
compliment to my biscuits and doughnuts — when you came back for "seconds." I still 
have the souvenirs you gave me, every one, and my Christmas watch is my most 
treasured possession. I enjoyed your songs and your stories and I miss them yet. I am 
still homesick for the house you built for me and for the things you salvaged to help 
make it comfortable. And the conferences you held in my kitchen while I cooked 
and you sat on the boxes and discussed everything from styles "back home" to peace 
terms, have helped me to understand people better and to love you more. No distance 
would be too great for me to go to serve chocolate at one of your evening "smokers" 
if you could all come in before "taps." And the highest compliment you paid me 
was when you made me understand you wanted me at your ball games. I'm saving 
my "bones" for another game some day, for I'm sure you will still be patient with a 
beginner. But the greatest thing you did for me was to share with me your friend- 
ships. Nothing greater came out of this war than the friendships of the army. To 
have seen this and to have felt it and even more, to have shared it with you — well, it 
was more than worth anything I may have done, any hardships I may have endured. 
It was even worth the heartache you left me when you waved your farewell from 
Brest harbor. If I have tried not to lose you since we came home it is because it has 
been hard to let you go. 

Mother Burd. 

Kansas City, Mo. (Known in civil life as Priscilla P. Burd) 

February, 1922. 



A Consolidation of Engineering N r «\vs and Rncineerini? Record 



Pub'>hed by McGraw-Hill Pnblinhlna Com pan j , Inr 



ENGINEERING NEWS-RECORD 

A WEEKLY JOURNAL 
DEVOTED TO CIVIL ENGINEERING 
AND CONTRACTING 



Volume 79 NEW YORK, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1917 Number 14 



Road Builders! 

The National Army Needs You — Now! 

Engineering News-Record has been called upon, by the Commanding 
Officer of the Twenty-Third Engineers, National Army, to mobilize 
the road-building engineers and contractors of the country in a Na- 
tion-wide drive to secure experienced men for the new highway con- 
struction regiment of 10,500 volunteers, now being formed for immedi- 
ate service in the war zone of France. 

In the new regiment no pick and shovel men are wanted ; the heavy 
manual labor will be done by German prisoners and service battalions. 
Recruits must be experienced in some line of road construction, or 
mechanics skilled in operating road-buildirig plant. A limited cleri- 
cal staff also is needed. Further details will be found in the official 
statement on the following page. 

Load Must Be Distributed 

Every contractor can contribute a few men without disrupting his or- 
ganization. Do your share. Show that the nation's engineers and con- 
tractors, who opened the eyes of the world by the record-breaking con- 
struction of the Army cantonments, can also man this new highway unit 
with the pick of the construction men of America. 

If every one puts his shoulder, to the wheel the volunteers needed will 
be secured over night, and no single job or organization will suffer. 

Mature Men Needed as Bosses 

For men under 40 with the proper road-building experience, the pros- 
pect for promotion to non-commissioned and special ranks is excellent. 
Practically all construction men, who have the ability will be assigned, not 
as Laborers, but as Bosses of gangs, which will include German prisoners. 

Men of Draft Age Acceptable 

Even if within the draft age limits you can volunteer for the highway 
regiment if you have not already been called by your local board. 
You can not volunteer if you have been called in the draft, or exempted. 
You must be in good physical condition. 

Your Opportunity 

Here is your opportunity to help the Country along the lines of your 
specialty. We know that the Nation will not call upon its Road Builders 
in vain. 



Everybody Can Help 

(1) If you are qualified by ex- 
perience £or active service fill in 
and mail the blank form on the 

'next page. 

(2) If not qualified for enlist- 
ment get at least one man to volun- 
teer. You can be of immense help 
in this way even if you yourself are 
too old to serve. 

(3) Get this announcement 
printed in your local newspapers. 
This is exceedingly important. 

(A) Have your local engineering 
society form a recruiting commit- 
tee. Call a special meeting to get 
action at once. 

(5) State and city officials — 
Carry the recruiting campaign to 
contractors who are doing your 
work. 

(.6) Contractors — See that a 
few men of your organization re- 
spond to this call 

(7) Use this page as a poster 
in your office, or ask us for reprints. 



Read on the following page Che official message from Colonel E. N. Johnston, commanding the 23rd Engineers, 
to readers of Engineering News-Record. 



626 



ENGINEERING NEWS-RECORD 



Vol. 79. No. 14 



Experienced Highway Construction Men 

for Service in France 

[This Statement Is Authorized by Colonel Johnston, Commanding the 23rd Engineers ] 



Men who have had experience in any 
branch of road construction are offered 
an opportunity to see early service in 
France in special road-building bat- 
talions of the United State6 Army by 
recruiting plans here announced. These 
battalions will be required to repair 
and maintain the highways near the 
fighting front, over which tremendous 
traffic is operated continuously. They 
will also build new strategic highways 
in the war zone. Consequently, these 
troops, all volunteers, will be in the 
thick of the greatest activities. 

The new battalions are constituted as 
regular military units and as a part of 
the regular army organization. They 
are fully armed and will be required in 
emergencies to fight along with other 
troops. Generally, however, they will 
be occupied with road work. 

The battalions will form a part of the 
23rd Regiment of Engineers of the new 
National Army. This regiment will 
eventually have a strength of about 
10,500 men — more than an ordinary 
brigade — end will, so far as is at pres- 
ent known, be the largest in the army 
It will be commanded by Col. E. N. 
Johnston of the Corps of Engineers, 
U. S. A. 

Many Worth-While Jobs 

There will be more highly-paid and 
high-ranking non-commissioned officers 
in the regiment, it is believed, than in 
any other. There will, therefore, be 
more openings for men of education 
and practical experience than is usually 
the case. 

The organization of the battalions is 
as nearly the same as that of large con- 
tracting forces as is feasible. Modem 
road-building machinery has been fully 
provided, including rock-crushing 
plants, steam shovels, road rollers, 
tractors, graders, motor trucks and 
pomps. A full line of dump waeons, 
wheel and drag scrapers and similar 
dirt-moving equipment also will be 
available. Shops for the renair and 
maintenance of all the olant and equip- 
ment will be operated close to the front. 

Much of the plant used on road work 
in America is new to European engi- 
neers, while the methods also are quite 
different fi •>ro those used abroad. A 
great opp -tunity is thus offered to 



demonstrate what skilled Americans 
can do with modern equipment, and the 
regiment which is now being re- 
cruited must include men to operate the 
necessary construction plant, to man 
the shops and, as non-commissioned 
officers, to handle the forces. 

Who Can Qualify 

For the non-commissioned officer 
positions men are required who can 
qualify in private life in the following 
lines: Superintendents and assistant 
superintendents of highway, bridge and 
quarry work, of mechanical plant and 
of transportation; chief clerks, material 
men, stock men, timekeepers; foremen 
for concrete, road, bridge and quarry 
work; powder men, riggers, carpenters, 
iron workers, surveyors and draftsmen. 

For the enlisted personnel it is de- 
sired to secure men skilled and experi- 
enced in one or more of the following 
occupations: Surveyors, draftsmen, 
clerks, stenographers, axmen, black- 
smiths, blacksmiths' helpers, machin- 
ists, gas-engine operators and repair- 
ers, crusher operators, hand driller, 
drill runner (air drills), quarrymen, 
powdermen, masons, teamsters, pile- 
driver operators, concrete, form, road 
and bridge men; tractor operators 
(gasoline), grader operators (bladine 
and elevating graders), bridge carpen- 
ters, motor-truck drivers, chauffeurs, 
cooks, motor-truck and automobile re- 
pair men, pipe fitters, electricians, 
horseshoers, tailors, shoemakers, musi- 
cians (bugle, fife or drum), mechanics, 
telephone operators, steamfitters. tool 
sharpeners, ditchers, boatmen (builders 
and caulkers), shovel runners (easo- 
line). barbers, veterinarians, French in- 
terpreters, bituminous road men, iron 
workers, rieeers, general utility men 
capable of drivine automobiles, motor 
trucks and all types of gasoline-driven 
machinery. 

Any male American citizen between 
18 and 40 year? of a<?e. ar.d who has 
not actuallv been called bv a local board 
in the draft, is eligible for enlistment in 
these special battalions, if acceptable 
physically. All men must first enlist 
as privates, the rate of pav bein? $33 
per month and expenses. Men with th= 
necessarv experience may be assigned 
to special duties and given non-com- 



missioned rank at rates of pay ranging 
from $40.20 to $96.00 per month and 
expenses. The latter include, for both 
privates and non-commissioned officers, 
food, clothing, medical attendance and 
transportation. Those who enlist will 
be eligible immediately for promotion, 
according to their ability and as open- 
ings occur. Men who are specially well 
qualified and recommended will be 
given definite promise of advancement 
to higher grades when their enlistment 
is authorized. 

Officers are Specialists 

Colonel Johnston, who will command 
the regiment, was graduated from the 
United States Military Academy at 
West Point at the head of the class of 
1901. After service on road and bridge 
work in the Philippine Islands and river 
and harbor work in the United States, 
he served as an instructor at West 
Point and as an assistant to the Chief 
of Engineers at Washington. 

The first two battalions are com- 
manded by Majors I. C. Moller and 
Henry H. Stickney. Major Moller re- 
ceived his engineering education in 
France. He has been engaged ex- 
clusively in hiehway work for the last 
ten years, and for three years has been 
chief engineer for an American com- 
panv doing road work in all parts of the 
world. In this capacity he has been 
called upon to act as consulting engi- 
neer for the governments of almost 
every Central and South Amreiean 
republic. 

Major Stickney was educated at 
Clarkson College of Technologv, Pots- 
dam. N. Y. Since 1906 "he has been 
engaged on state highway work in New 
York and on the New York State Barge 
Canal. He has also had considerable 
experience as consulting engineer in 
road and water-suDnly construction. 
He is a graduate of the Engineer Offi- 
cers' Training School at Fort Leaven- 
worth and a member of the New York 
State National Guard. 

Captain F. S. Skinner, regimental 
adjutant, is a graduate of the United 
States Military Academy. Thus the 
reeiment will be und°r the direction 
of those who have fullv demonstrated 
their ability in highway and construc- 
tion work. 



Full information regarding steps that must be taken to enlist in this regiment may be secured from the Commanding 
Officer, 23d Engineers, National Army, 1419 F. St., Washington, D. C, by mailing the following information to him. 

Fill in This Form, by Typewriter if possible, and Mail Today, to 

COMMANDING OFFICER, 23rd ENGINEERS. NATIONAL ARMY. 
1419 F Street, Washington, D. C. 

(1) Name , (2)' Address 

(3) Age (4) Nationality.. : . .\ 

(5) Married or single (6) Have you been called in the draft? : 

(7) Will you enlist for period of the War?. (8) State briefly your road-building or other construction 

experience '. : 



(9) What machinery can you operate? 

(10 Your present or a former employer must certify to your r,ualifications by signing here 



■lONATrRF Or EVPLOTER 



i 



RMPT.OTmt'S APPRFPS FOR TFI.FCKA M > 



Earl$ History 



Topeka, December 14, 1920. 

Dear Mrs. Burd: 

I will give you in this letter all such points as I can remember on the original 
history of C Company. 

This Company was organized at Camp Meade, Md., about the week Oct. 14 
to 21st, 1917, being the 5th Company formed. The regiment at that time was quar- 
tered in P. Block. 

Original Officers: 

Capt. Walter V. Buck 

1st Lieuts., Louis S. Bruner, Joe J. Estill 

2nd Lieuts., David M. Cooper, Allen S. McMaster 

Lieut. Estill took up the work of outfitting the men of the Company. This 
proved to be quite a job at the start, for supplies were coming in slowly and the 
Company started off with about 75 men. No one in the Company had ever had any 
experience with clothing slips and the keeping of such records, but these difficulties 
gradually worked out and at the end of my short stay with the Company we were 
getting "our share" of such clothes as the Regiment was able to secure. 

Lieut. Bruner took over the establishment of an eatable mess. The original Mess 
Sergeant was a mighty capable man, and while I can remember his face, his name is 
entirely gone. Anyway when I went from the Company their mess reputation was 
O. K., which is saying a good deal for any outfit, old or new. 

The original drill work fell to Lts. Cooper, McMaster, Bruner, and myself. 
Lt. Cooper also worked a large portion of his time at Regimental headquarters on 
"personnel work." 

The first Acting Top-Sergt. was George P. Trax. He was soon taken over by 
Regimental Headquarters as a Master Engineer, and C Company lost one of the 
finest gentlemen the Regiment held. The Top-Sergeant's duties fell to Claud H. 
Sentz. Sentz was a previous service man and knew the army game well, but life rested 
lightly on his shoulders and a few prosperous attacks with the "gallopers" made him 
indifferent to the "top kick" job, and, as an old war horse (I can't remember his 
name) showed up at this time we passed the duties on to him, and made him Sgt. with 
the rank of Top-Sgt. He was therefore Co. "C's" first Top-Sgt. 

The getting out of the first payroll was quite a job. We had no typewriter and 
no money to buy one, and didn't have an operator or stenographer in the Company to 
run it if we had been fortunate enough to get hold of one. We finally arranged to 
work evenings and odd times with a machine from Regimental Headquarters and 
Walter C. Tabor (afterwards a Sgt. at Regt'l Hdqrs. and later Sgt. Major of the 
wagon train) to operate it. 

The Company was putting in its nine hours a day drilling all this time, with 
reveille and retreat extra. 

Col. Johnston offered a $100.00 cash prize to the best drilled Company, to be 
decided in a competitive drill. This drill to take place on Nov. 11th, 1917. In this 
drill we were competing with Companies at least three weeks older than ours and we 

7 



s 



C Company, Our Book 



had a scant 4 weeks drill. We went on the field with 12 squads grouped for 3 
platoons, with Lieuts. Bruner, Cooper and McMaster commanding them. All of our 
formation worked smoothly and without a hitch in spite of the fact that in the last 
command I gave platoons "on right" into line instead of "on left," thereby bringing 
the Company up in Company front with each platoon turned end for end, and in 
this position we stood and executed our Manual of Arms. As winner of first prize 
in this drill we boosted our Company fund $150.00. 

Col. Johnston never, by official communication, or by personal conversation offered 
a word of congratulation or praise to "C" Company or any of its officers for this first 
attempt to do our job as best we could with the knowledge and time we had had to 
prepare for it. 

On Monday, Nov. 12th, 1917 (the day following our competitive drill) we 
received orders to be ready at 10 A. M. to march the entire Company to Annapolis 
rifle range for target practice. This was later made 1 :00 P. M. and we finally started 
out at 5:30 P. M. (Cos. B, C, and D) on a little better than a 25 mile hike. Our 
Company was ready all day but something was wrong and we couldn't get off. About 
8 :30 P. M. we caught up with a rolling kitchen and had our supper, then hiked until 
IIP. M., bivouaced, and were on our way again at daybreak. Lots of funny things 
happened this first night out, for it was cold and we were all "green" at such life. 
The rifle range was reached during the noon hour next day. We stacked arms, 
went for our "gold fish" and right on out to the range to start shooting. 

It was the middle of the following week, about Nov. 21st or 22nd, that I was 
transferred to that howling mob of an F Company which turned out to be (after a 
few transfers and some understandings) an A-l Company, as demonstrated by their 
work later in France. 

About 24 hours before the "terrible blow" fell I was called out to the bonfire 
where the boys were trying to keep warm, and handed a set of baby's jewelry for our 
infant baby Harriett who had arrived on Nov. 9th and was then with her mother 
at the Georgetown Hospital in Washington, D. C. All this made life harder when 
I was transferred away from our Company the next day. 

Perhaps some of the men would care to know that Baby Harriett only stayed with 
us a little over twenty-seven months, having passed on after an attack of pneumonia 
February 25th, 1920. 

I offer an apology to all the boys whose names I have forgotten. Most of their 
faces are still familiar to me and I believe I would know them if I were to meet 
them on the street, but I later waded through the shaping of two other green Com- 
panies and had two Bat. Hdgrs. outfits to deal with, so I get somewhat muddled from 
not seeing or hearing of any of them for so long. 

I often satisfy myself and my disappointments with this thought, which I believe 
will sound logical to many: "I got over, did the jobs assigned me (although maybe 
not always as good as someone else might), we all together 'licked Hell' out of the 
Kaiser, and best of all got home again, while thousands of men just as good or a little 
better are "pushing up the daisies in French Fields." 

My best wishes to all Company "C" men and may they all have happy lives. 

Very truly yours, 

i W. V. Buck. 



Early History 



9 



MOVEMENTS OF THE COMPANY 

While C Company had existed for some time previously it was not organized 
as it finally went overseas until Nov. 26th, 1917, at Camp Meade. From that date 
its movements were as follows: 

Nov. 28 — Meade to Meigs, Washington, D. C. 
Dec. 4 — Meigs to Washington Barracks. 
1918 

Jan. 10 — Washington Barracks to Laurel, Md. 
Jan. 20 — Left Laurel in the evening. 

Jan. 21 — Went on board the S. S. Huron, formerly Frederick der Grosse. 

Jan. 23— Left slip at Hoboken at 5 :00 P. M. 

Jan. 24 — Sailed from harbor about 1 :00 A. M. 

Feb. 5 — Entered harbor of Brest. 

Feb. 7 — Landed and entrained for St. Nazaire. 

Feb. 8 — Arrived at St. Nazaire. 

Feb. 20— Left St. Nazaire. 

Feb. 23 — Arrived at Camp Gerard-Sas in the Foret de la Reine north of Toul. 
Mch.31 — Moved to "Washington Barracks." 
Apr. 12 — Moved to "Laurel" (about half of Company). 
Apr. 18— Moved to "Central Park." 
Nov. 7 — Moved to Creue. 
1919 

Apr. 10 — Left Creue. 

Apr. 13 — Arrived at Camp d'Auvours (Belgian Camp) near Le Mans. 

May 16 — Belgian Camp to Forwarding Camp. 

May 20 — Left Forwarding Camp, arriving at Brest 21st. 

May 29 — Left Brest, arriving at Boston June 8th. 

June 9 — Went ashore. 

MEADE TO DEVANS VIA TOUL 

C-o-m-p-a-n-y-a-t-t-e-n-SHUN ! S-q-u-a-d-s-r-i-g-h-t-, HARCH ! One two three 
four one two three four one — The 23rd Regiment Band was attempting a March — 
The Colonel was waiting on his prancing steed (a Cadillac) to give us the once over. 
C Company, the first of the regiment to be permanently organized with its full quota 
of men and officers, was marching out of Camp Meade on the 28th day of November, 
1917. This was our farewell to Camp Meade and C Company history really begins 
at this point. Previous to this time C Company had been a recruiting company and, 
while many of the original members stayed with the company, it had not been filled up 
and organized for overseas duty. These were the days when there were more officers 
than men and when some of us rated blue overcoats with red lined capes. 

The first company of the Regiment was F Company. Men were started from 
recruiting stations about Sept. 15th, and reached Camp Meade Sept. 25th. At that 
time there were about 35 men in the company. Within a few days it numbered 
over 200. 



10 



C Company, Our Book 



On or about Oct. 1st D Company was organized from about 75 men from F 
Company. Between the 1st and 15th of October men came into Camp Meade very 
rapidly and Companies A, B, and C were formed. 

C Company was soon built up to around 200 men and then the real work was 
started. Squads east and squads west, early and late, fall in, fall out, until we used 
to dream about it. Training was what the men needed and training was given to 
them in large doses. 

The get-together-and-let's-go spirit that C Company had was started at this time 
and to Capt. Buck and Lt. Bruner should go the credit. Just why these two officers 
were removed the men of the Company never knew but they did know they were 
sorry to see them go. Capt. Buck was succeeded by Capt. Applegarth and he in turn 
by Capt. Burke, before we sailed for France. 

During the whole month of October the men were constantly being transferred 
from one company to another according to their vocations in civil life. The idea was 
to make a complete organization for special road work in France. 

By the 1st of November the 1st Battalion had received several weeks drilling and 
were ready for the rifle range. We were then sent to the rifle range at Annapolis, 
Md. This was our first real hike under a full pack. Leaving Camp Meade, E Com- 
pany was in the lead and in a hurry. As a resuit the men were winded before half 
the distance was covered. Camp was made in a field along the road for the night. 
This was our first night in the fields and in pup-tents, the night was cold and the 
ground in this particular field was very hard and we were carrying two blankets. 
The only time two blankets were enough was when they were in a pack and on your 
back. Next morning the entire unit was foot sore and in anything but a good humor. 
The pace at the start the afternoon before had all but taken the heart out of them. 

Our stay at the rifle range was worth any amount of discomfort. We were 
quartered in tents for the first time and it prepared the men for some of the strenuous 
times to come. We remained at the range for two weeks and a part of each day was 
spent on the targets. 

Returning to Camp Meade we found that a reorganization of the entire Regiment 
was under way. Here we lost some of the old men of the Company and gained some 
new ones. The Company was filled up to full strength and three days later we started 
for Washington Barracks. 

From Meade we hiked to Laurel, Maryland, where we cooked and ate our lunch 
in an open, snow covered field on the top of a wind-swept hill. Later Laurel was made 
the mobilization center for the regiment and we were destined to pay it another visit 
before the winter was over. At this point we were overtaken by a fleet of trucks and 
the measles. The trucks took us to Camp Meigs and the measles kept us there, quar- 
antined, till the 4th of December, when we marched to Washington Barracks where 
we were again quarantined for measles, mumps and "military reasons." Our stay 
here was long enough to convince us that the locality was not ideal for a winter 
resort. We went through what was called the "hardening process." 

We were in tents without floors or stoves, very cold, and wet under foot. The 
daily routine was drill and guard duty. We took many hikes in and around Wash- 
ington which was very good for our physical condition as well as a welcome relief 



Early History 



11 



from the regular routine. All through the month of December and the early part 
of January we expected daily to receive orders to entrain for a base port. While here 
we soaked up a lot of information concerning Army life and if soaked isn't the right 
word then it must have been frozen into us by the (according to the natives) worst 
winter in Washington in twenty-eight years. Here is where we learned that we could 
get out of the barracks without a pass by going on the ice around the end of the wall. 
But if the tide came in while we were gone and broke up the ice we had to think up 
some plausible ( ?) story to get back by the guard, which was easy enough if the one 
at the gate was a Company C man. We learned to build pontoon bridges on the old 
Potomac river with the weather as cold as it can possibly get on the sea coast. We 
also learned to tie knots and build bridges over a dry ditch. After packing and 
unpacking and packing again several times we finally got away and marched the 
twenty odd miles to Laurel on January 10th over roads covered with glare ice, stopping 
at noon to cook our lunch by the road-side. 

At Laurel we received our final equipment and were inspected numerous times. 
It was said at that time that we were the first troops to be fully equipped before 
"going over." 

On an average of twice a day we stood either a medical or equipment inspection. 
This camp was in excellent shape, the tents were all new and were floored and stoves 
and plenty of wood were supplied. 

The mess at this camp was very poor. During our stay here L Company had the 
pleasure of feeding us and for the way they fed us they have never been forgiven. 

Finally the entire First Battalion was reviewed and we entrained on the evening 
of the 20th of January, 1918. With all shades drawn and no lights allowed we were 
all night reaching the New Jersey Central Terminal in Jersey City from which we 
went by ferry to the Hoboken Docks where we boarded the Good Ship Huron, Ex 
Prince Frederick der Grosse, on the 21st. About 5:00 in the evening of the 23rd we 
left the slip with all hands below deck and sailed out of the harbor early the next 
morning. 

Notices had been posted on board ship that we could write a last letter to any- 
one at home and that it would be held until we landed in France and then mailed. 
Most of us took advantage of this and we saw many sacks of mail leaving the ship just 
before we sailed. 

The sleeping accommodations was the worst thing we had to put up with. The 
bunks were the double deck kind with barely room to walk between. All port holes 
were closed and the air was foul. No lights and no smoking after sundown. Due to 
the time of year the sea was very rough all the way across but very few of the men 
were sick. Lookout stations were maintained at numerous points on board ship. This 
came as regular guard duty and with boat drill it helped to break the monotony. We 
had ten days of this with various small spurts of excitement when a lookout went to 
sleep and thought, or had a dream, he could see a sub. 

We had our first view of France on the morning of February 5th and a few 
hours later entered the harbor of Brest. The weather was mild and the French fields 
were green, even at this season — in striking contrast to the snow and ice covered land 
we had left behind. We had come from mid-winter to mid-spring in twelve days. 



12 



C Company, Our Book 



After twelve days on the Atlantic, which had not been uniformly kind to us, the green 
fields of France were a welcome sight over the bow of the "Huron." We had but one 
view of France that was more appreciated, and that was over the stern of the 
Winifredian sixteen months later. It was not until the 7th that we landed and went 
directly aboard the train on which we arrived, the next morning, at St. Nazaire. We 
hiked the two miles from the city to the camp at Base No. 1. 

It was at this time that we first began to realize a little of what the war meant 
to France — something that America (except for the 2 percent who were "overseas") 
will never realize. We saw only old men, women and children. It was not unusual 
to see an old man stand uncovered while our train passed and nothing was too good 
for the Americans who had come to save France. It was still early in the game. 
Later, though the Americans were still liked, it seemed to be more for what they were 
worth as a financial asset. 

While we were at St. Nazaire we had a bath ! It was our first opportunity to 
bathe since leaving Laurel three weeks previously. We had missed the delights of 
two Saturday nights! There was quite a rush on the public baths, attended by three 
French women. It was at St. Nazaire, also, that we were reminded that there were 
no pick and shovel men required in the 23rd. It was not the last reminder we had of 
that fact! But even after two weeks of it we were optimistic and hoped for better 
things. 

The 17th Engineers were stationed here and in charge of all the work going on 
in this section. We learned how much sewer trench could be dug in one day by one 
soldier and such little things as building barracks, working on the dam for the water 
supply system, and handling rock into and away from a portable crusher. 

We indulged in several informal hikes while at the St. Nazaire Base Camp. 
Informal because no regular formation was required. In one instance, however, the 
first syllable was left at St. Marc and we became suddenly and vigorously formal 
because, while the privileged class was at the Inn being gentlemanly "refreshed," the 
bootleggers and moonshiners were busy in the by-ways. Given five minutes more and 
there would have been nothing left of St. Marc but a famine ! 

On February 20th we again boarded a train of second hand, third class coaches 
for our sixty hour ride across France and up into the "American Sector" — to Toul and 
Menil-la-Tour, where we arrived on February 23rd. 

The scene changes. We can hear the occasional faint booming of big guns. We 
have fallen out by the road-side on the edge of "at the front." We have hardly 
eaten for twenty-four hours. We begin to wonder if we must go over the top on 
empty stomachs. We lose hours of daylight but must wait till the red tape is dis- 
posed of. Finally, late in the afternoon orders come to march. We have no idea 
where we are going or how long it will take us to reach the fighting line. We know 
we are approaching the enemy, for the sound of the guns continually grows more dis- 
tinct. We march over roads that are hard under a liberal coating of mud of about 
the consistency of fresh cake batter. We don't like it but we take a lot of it with us ! 
The roads are badly rutted and there are frequent mud puddles. When we reach the 
Foret de la Reine it is so dark we can just see to keep the road. We stop at a 
forester's house to inquire the way. We hesitate at a crossroads. Worn out and half 



Early History 



13 



starved we are about to throw pride to the winds and quit when we turn to the left 
on a lane where the mud is much deeper, then to the right where the mud goes all the 
way down ! We have arrived. This is Gerard-Sas. 

Gerard-Sas was called a camp, built by the French and occupied at that time by 
a detachment of the 21st Engrs. and a machine gun Company from the 1st Division. 
The barracks were the standard portable kind used by the French Army. No floor, 
just four walls and a roof. We expected to find some kind of bunks but we expected 
too much in this case. For the entire time spent in this camp we slept on the ground 
with brush and a small quantity of straw to serve as a protection from the wet ground. 

During the early part of 1918 the small American Army at the front had to 
depend entirely upon the French army and railroads for supplies of all kinds. As a 
consequence our mess suffered the most and for the first time in our lives we were 
really hungry for something to eat. At this time none of the American welfare 
organizations had reached this far up to the front. 

During our stay here the Y. M. C. A. erected a hut and made an effort to supply 
us with the small necessities we craved. The Y. M. C. A. was handicapped for they, 
too, had to depend upon the French for supplies and such as they could get were 
manufactured by the French and as they were limited they came through only in small 
quantities. 

On March 27th we received three months back pay here. Seventy-five percent 
of us had been without money for over two months. Our Company officers had lent 
small amounts to any man wanting it. 

From here we were sent out on the first working details at the front, or rather 
directly behind the lines. For the next three or four weeks very little of a constructive 
nature was accomplished. Details were sent out each day and while we did not do 
a great deal of actual work we were absorbing a great many things besides rainwater, 
that it was necessary for us to know. 

The greater portion of the roads that a little later on came under our care were 
all but impassable during March and April. At the start we had very few trucks or 
equipment of any kind for the work that was ahead of us. Gradually as the organiza- 
tion shaped itself and conditions became familiar to us the equipment necessary to 
the work came along. We soon learned to keep one eye open for the "soft" jobs. 

When the Sergeant at Raungeval Dump asked if there were any carpenters in 
the bunch of about twenty present, one man, apparently given to exaggeration, volun- 
teered the information that he could drive a nail. (Under the same circumstances a 
few weeks later there would have been twenty first class carpenters present.) The 
nail driver, with others, was detailed to build box culverts. We did very well, for 
rookies, in making this job last. Incidentally, the culverts, made of water-soaked 
2x4's and 3x8's, would have served well as the foundation of a five story building but 

were poor culverts. Having proved (?) his ability as a carpenter the nail driver 

was detailed to build a tool house of brush and roofing paper. 

The major part of the Company was divided into details and the work was 
started on the road from Central Park to Mandres. 

From the junction of the road leading into Washington Barracks ("Lights Out") 
to the top of the hill ("Hill Top") this side of Mandres was the worst piece of road 
that traffic was still trying to get over. 



14 



C Company, Our Book 



Going back to the time before the Americans took over this sector the French 
Army had given up the idea of building a road to supply this section of the front line. 
We heard that the French engineers said it would be impossible to build and maintain 
a road through this particular swamp and forest. Their claim was to the effect that 
due to the swampy condition through which the road would have to go, it could not 
be maintained in any condition to carry the traffic that would have to be put on it. 

A start had been made by the French previous to the arrival of the Americans. 
The rough grading had been done by throwing the earth from the side up to the 
center, making about a six meter road or subgrade about two feet above the ditches. 
This is as far as they had gone with it. Traffic had been going over it and it was one 
long ribbon of mud from a few inches deep to a few feet. Horse traffic could, by 
patience and much hard work on the part of horse and men, get through it. 

This was the condition that existed when C Company took over the roads. 
During March, April and a part of May all the effort went towards trying to better 
the drainage. Ditches were opened and made to drain. It was impossible to try to 
make a permanent road and keep it open to traffic with the ground in a state of 
saturation. We managed by dint of hard work and the aid of the French trucks to 
bring from the quarry at Boucq sufficient rock to keep the worst holes filled and traffic 
going. 

Wagon Co. No. 1 had by the first of May received the stock of wagons necessary 
for their work and they began to bring us rock and crushed rock in great quantities. 
A little later on Truck Co. No. 2 appeared with Mack Trucks with dump bodies 
and they too brought rock in greater quantities. During the early part of these opera- 
tions the quarry at Boucq was operated by C Company. 

Each village in France has its quarry. The ones at Boucq and Trondes were the 
chief sources of supply for the early repairs to the roads in our sector. Loading one- 
man size rocks was much more pleasant than wallowing in the mud of the road so the 
quarry details were popular. At Boucq there was an added attraction in the Salvation 
Army. We went there, not for salvation, but for the real home made pies and other 
delicacies they turned out. The quarry was on the top of a hill overlooking the 
forest which covered most of the land between it and the trenches. Almost directly 
north was Montsec. We were entertained daily by the Boche planes coming out of 
the north with a trail of white and black powder puffs from the anti-aircraft guns. 

By the middle of May the worst part of the rainy season was over and the roads 
began to dry and real progress was made. Trucks from Truck Company No. 2, Wagon 
Company No. 1 and C Company furnishing the labor. 

Untold thousands of yards of rock and crushed rock was placed during May, June, 
July and August. The rock was received by trucks, wagons and later by train, both 
standard gauge and narrow gauge. 

Quarries were located at Boucq, Trondes, Royaumeix, Gironville, Lagny-Sur- 
Meuse and Sorcy. The rock was all of the same formation — a white lime stone very 
easy to quarry and to crush. But two of the quarries had crushers, Lagny-Sur-Meuse 
and Sorcy, both installed by the French. The other quarries were operated entirely 
by hand, quarried, crushed and loaded by hand. A very small amount of powder was 
used to quarry as the rock was easily broken out. From Boucq, Royaumeix and Giron- 



Early History 



15 



ville came the large rock used for the base usually run from a foot to fifteen or eighteen 
inches, also the spalls or rock used for a filler or second layer, what would be called 
4" to 8" rock. From Lagny-Sur-Meuse and Sorcy came the bulk of the crushed rock 
by trucks, wagons and narrow gauge. At times the demand was greater than could be 
supplied this way and rock was sent in by standard gauge railroad from quarries farther 
back. Later on li" to 2" river gravel was sent in by train to the rail heads and dis- 
tributed by truck wagons and narrow gauge to the scene of operations. This rock was 
used for a top or wearing surface and proved very satisfactory. 

For a binder a pit was uncovered at Boucq that proved very successful — sand with 
about 25% red clay. In this country it would not be used but over there it was all 
there was and it had to serve the purpose. This material was taken out and loaded by 
hand and was used throughout in the road construction. 

The equipment finally furnished was all American made and of the very best, 
and modern. Austin ten ton gas rollers, Twin City tractors, Mack trucks with 
hydraulic dump bodies, Watson dump wagons, Western wheeled scraper road graders, 
Slip and Fresno scrapers. 

From February 23 till early in November, this "Foret" was our stamping ground. 
We moved to "Washington Barracks" on March 31st. Part of the company moved 
to "Laurel" on April 12th and on the 18th the whole company went into the camp 
we had constructed, and which was to be our home for seven months — "Central Park." 

"Washington Barracks" had been occupied by the 1st Engrs. while the 1st Div. 
was in the lines. The 26th Div. replaced the 1st Div. at this time and this camp was 
vacated. The camp was built on the edge of the forest about three or four kilometers 
closer to the lines than Gerard-Sas. The 1st Engrs. had put the camp in fine shape 
and to us, after Gerard-Sas, it looked like a summer resort. The barracks were of the 
same type but duck boards had been laid down the center and a row of double deck 
bunks down each side and best of all a great quantity of straw had been left and each 
man had at least one straw mattress to sleep on. Duck board walks had been laid 
throughout the camp. Buildings were separated one hundred and fifty to two hundred 
feet. One of the nice features of this camp was the bath house with real hot water. 
But our rejoicing over our good fortune in finding such a good camp did not last for 
we learned to our sorrow that the 26th Div. Artillery was of a curious turn of mind. 
At any rate they started throwing them over to Jerry and I imagine it made Jerry mad 
for he started throwing them back and that made us mad for his aim was too good to 
suit us. The shelling from the German side would start regularly each day at three 
p. m. and last from one to two hours. Then again at nine p. m. and continue until 
11 p. m. For the balance of the day it would be quiet. While there were no direct 
hits on the camp schrapnel and fragments spattered all over it. One fragment rolled 
across the kitchen floor just before dinner and the cook came very near giving us notice! 
One piece picked up by the office door was hot enough to burn. At night it was par- 
ticularly disagreeable for a gas mask was not made to sleep in and many of the shells 
coming over were gas and every few minutes a gas alarm would come in. For men 
who were working and needed the sleep this was no place at all and besides "we 
didn't like the place, anyway." We were not sorry when "Central Park" was ready to 
receive us. 



10 



C Company, Our Book 



By this time we had learned how a camp could be built and Central Park was all 
that a man could desire in a camp of this kind. Two of the large portable barracks 
were put up for sleeping quarters, one half of a large barrack was put up and used for 
a kitchen. One of the small buildings was moved from Washington Barracks and was 
made into an orderly room or office. And all the duck boards in that part of France 
found their way to the camp. 

Up until this time we had been depending on other outfits for the Y. M. C. A., 
but shortly after this camp was established a Y. M. C. A. tent and secretary which had 
been abandoned by another outfit, were "salvaged" and brought to camp and from 
then on until leaving for home it was as much a part of the Company as the mess hall. 

After the St. Mihiel and up to Nov. 1 1 we were spread out over most of the front 
from Verdun to Pont-a-Mousson supervising the repairing of captured roads. 

Soon after the armistice was signed the Company was concentrated at the camp at 
Creue to which we had moved on Nov. 7th. Through Dec. 1918 we worked. Yes — 
shoveled rock at Vigneulles and were driven to it in a manner that none of us will ever 
forget. About that time a good many got the souvenir fever and were kept busy at 
that until we made the grand "Partee." 

In January details were again sent out to repair the roads which we had so care- 
lessly torn up while helping the French to win the war. 

On April 10th, 1919, we left for the Belgian Camp (Camp d'Auvours) near 
LeMans, reaching there on the 13th. Our next move was to the Forwarding Camp, a 
few miles distant, on May 16th, from which we moved to Brest, on the night of the 
20th, where we went to Camp Pontanazen or "Duck-Board Camp." Our stay here 
was short, though we did not appreciate the fact at the time, and we went aboard the 
Winifredian on the 29th of May. We had our last look at "Sunny" France late that 
afternoon. Boston harbor gave us a chilly welcome on the evening of June 8th. The 
warmth of our reception the next morning by the people of Boston more than made up 
to us for the disagreeable weather. We immediately went aboard real coaches, on a 
real railroad, drawn by an engine with a real whistle, and were hustled down to Camp 
Devons, where the company was split up into detachments which were sent to the camps 
nearest their "permanent address." 

TRAVELING TABLE d'HOTE 

Hoboken to Brest, January 23rd-February 5th, 1918, S. S. Huron 
Brest to Boston, May 29th-June 8th, 1919, S. S. Winifredian 

People who wait till the last minute to make their reservations make a serious 
mistake. There are likely to be no end of annoying delays and mixups just when you 
want to be free to devote all your attention to the last fond farewells. Everything 
should be done to make these last moments before sailing as peaceful and enjoyable as 
possible. They may be the last ones you will enjoy for some days, especially if it hap- 
pens to be the winter season, when the elements are less kindly, even, than during 
the summer. In our case all this last moment rush and confusion was avoided by the 
simple expedient of having all arrangements made well in advance. Each man knew 
just which ship he was to sail on because there was only one ship on the other end of 



Early History 



17 



the gang plank to which we were conducted. Otherwise there might have been no end 
of confusion. Once aboard the ship there was never the slightest danger of going to 
the wrong stateroom. It was very evident which staterooms were not your own. 
There is no record of a single man in our crowd having the slightest trouble in this 
respect. It was the same with the berths. Ours had all been reserved in advance. This 
added materially to our peace of mind. To know that somewhere in that great ship 
was a space 5'6"x 2'x 2' which you could call your own gave one a comfortable, homey 
feeling. All our belongings could be kept there, too, which was convenient. We didn't 
even have to get up in the morning to put on our shoes. Everything was right where 
we could reach it. Then the arrangement of the berths was such that one never had any 
fear of becoming lonesome. There were always two friends directly under or di- 
rectly over you, or one above and one below. These three options were arranged, no 
doubt, to suit the various tastes of the occupants. If the berths had all been uppers or 
all lowers or all in the middle some one would have been sure to express a desire for 
the ones not provided. Then there were others near you — one on each side, for in- 
stance, whom you could reach with your hand without any great effort. All of 
these were within comparatively easy reach of your voice. 

To those not accustomed to ocean travel we heartily recommend the method which 
we adopted of group arrangement through some reliable agency. While we went 
under the guidance of Uncle Samuel's Agency no doubt Cooks and some of the others 
are nearly, if not quite, as reliable and good. There are many advantages in this 
system. While we have not the space to enumerate them all the chief advantages will 
be apparent to anyone reading this record of our experiences. All the little cares in- 
cident to a sea voyage were pre-arranged for us. We had nothing on our minds and 
little on our stomachs which may account for the almost total absence of sea-sickness 
among us, and, no doubt, reduced the expense of the voyage. Then, too, our food was 
all carefully selected. Eggs, for instance, would not be served until the chef had been 
acquainted with them long enough to know that they were not going to hatch of their 
own accord. Even our health was carefully looked after. At stated intervals we were 
taken to the Holy of Holies and given setting-up exercises. This is a pleasure not en- 
joyed by the average traveler. There was no extra charge for it. 

Going as we did, in a large group, (there were about a thousand of us) we had the 
run of the ship. Of course the bridge was sacred to the ship's officers but the rest of the 
ship was ours excepting the hurricane deck, the cabin deck, the hatch covers, along the 
rails and on the bow and stern and midships of the main deck. And we always had our 
berths to ourselves except during the day time. 

The eating arrangements were unique and we do not know that any other agency 
has, as yet, adopted this system. There are many advantages in it. The passengers 
were divided into four groups and each group was served at a particular point 'tween 
decks — one on either side of the forward and after hatches. Thus we always knew 
just where to go for our meals. The food was served from large G. I. containers 
arranged in a row on or behind (according to the size) ingeniously improvised tables. 
The group assigned to any given table filing past in orderly procession would be served 
in the most expeditious manner. There was one element of suspense during the period 
of serving which was well calculcated to furnish boundless amusement to all but the 



18 



C Company, Our Book 



chief participants. This was the uncertainty as to whether or not the serving table and 
its burden were going to remain stationary during the process of serving. On one or 
two occasions it did not. When the ship rolled to an unusual degree to port everything, 
including all persons present, and not anchored, went across the deck in a rather un- 
dignified manner and mingled indiscriminately with the opposite group and the liquid 
and solid objects there present. On the return roll of the vessel the two groups 
combined in the reverse and hurried movement to the other side. The result can be 
better imagined than described. For those who were in a position to witness rather 
than participate this furnished delightful entertainment. But, as usual, there were a 
few who objected to lending their uniforms to the chef for the purpose of salvaging the 
soup. Perhaps they lacked a sense of humor. The navigator was a little more careful 
thereafter in picking out the smooth places. On the return trip this was avoided by 
having the tables arranged in the bed rooms to accommodate about a dozen each. On 
the return trip, also, we slept in hammocks, hung in the dining room, instead of in 
berths. But to go back to the meals. Each man, after being served, was privileged to 
go up on deck or remain between decks (the latter being of great advantage to those 
who desired a second serving) and take his choice of seats. The donkey engines were 
greatly sought after on account of the space under the cylinders provided for egg shells, 
bones, etc., left over from the meal. Others preferred to be nearer the rail. The latter 
were very persistent and would go back for a second or third serving in the hope of 
finally getting a dinner that they liked well enough to keep. Some people are naturally 
particular. 

Naturally, with so many aboard there were some who were not satisfied. After 
one man had quite persistently selected all the places where he should not be, to eat his 
dinner, and the guard had been compelled to follow him up and remind him gently in 
his successive positions "You can't sit there," "Get off that hatch cover," "Keep away 
from that rail," "Keep moving," etc., a native son of Texas remarked "That is just like 
throwing an eah of cawn to a stahved hawg and then chasin' him with a thutty-thutty 
rifle while he eats it." 

On the trip over we were in a position to be of considerable service in getting the 
Huron through the danger zone. It seems that the crew did not include anyone com- 
petent and with sufficient experience to do this work so it naturally fell to us. We 
placed lookouts at various advantageous points on the vessel to look out for the wake 
of a periscope if there happened to be one lurking near. Any indication of one was to 
be immediately reported to another one of our men in charge of the fire control, who 
in turn, would have the thing shot. Our voyage was, however, uneventful. This 
was, no doubt, due to the Huns having learned of our presence in time to seek safety. 
There was, also, an armed detail stationed about in various parts of the vessel, which 
seemed hardly necessary as we were, most of the time, some distance from shore, and 
any marauders or thieves would have difficulty getting aboard. Besides, we brought 
very few valuables with us. 

There was one feature of the voyage that was rather disagreeable. Owing to the 
fact that a "Safety First" drive had been inaugurated and was in full swing we were 
compelled to wear our life preservers almost constantly or be placed in the position of 
appearing to oppose this very worthy cause. In spite of its disagreeable features we 



Early History 



19 



were rather proud to perform this service when we looked upon the life preservers and 
realized that we were following in the footsteps of many others. It was not necessary 
to wear them always about our necks so long as we had them within reach. They were 
handy to sit on, especially if the deck happened to be wet or dirty. There were in- 
dications that those who had gone before us had used them in this way. By the time 
we returned this fad had run its course and we could have gone into the water unen- 
cumbered if it had been necessary to leave the ship. 

Following custom and tradition, we had boat drill every day though it did not 
meet with popular approval. The lengths to which ordinarily well balanced men will 
go for amusement during the monotonous days of a sea voyage, is well illustrated by 
this "boat drill," a game that has been handed down to us from some time in the re- 
mote past. Why it is called boat drill is not positively known but probably because of 
the fact that the life boats, being numbered, furnish a convenient means of identifying 
various points on deck. The boats are not used in the game. The idea seems to be for 
some unoccupied and restless person to watch for a time when everybody else is com- 
fortably occupied and satisfied with things as they are, to give the signal for boat drill. 
Everybody is supposed to rush out regardless of what he happens to be doing and gather 
with certain others at a point on deck designated as "Boat No. 2, Main Deck, Port 
Side" or some other point indicated by a boat. Having reached this point the game 
suddenly comes to an end without having come to a head. Everybody looks a little 
foolish but tries to make out that he didn't mind at all. Each one pretends that the 
joke was on the other fellow. It seems that there was originally some point to the 
game but it has been long since lost. 

We crossed over before the days of the Y. M. C. A. transport secretaries and re- 
turned on a British transport that the Y. M. C. A. had overlooked. We, therefore, 
were compelled to forego the spiritual, mental and physical aid generally so cheerfully 
furnished by them. The sailors had a canteen but if we derived any benefit from this 
it was the reward of patience and liberality on our part. It seemed to be run for the 
benefit of the crew. 

Four other vessels accompanied us across ; the battleship North Carolina, the Hen- 
derson, the Tenadores and the Mallory. This was another exclusive feature of our 
agency supplied to break the monotony of the view when we were out of sight of land. 
Seven smaller vessels were added for our amusement the last day or so. As the "Jazz" 
craze was just coming in these vessels had been painted that way. No expense seemed 
to have been spared. This impression was confirmed in after years by official notices 
direct from the U. S. Government. 



* 



From St. Nazaire to me Front 



The First Battalion had sailed for "over there" ahead of the rest of the Regiment 
which, in fact, had not at that time, been fully organized. In like manner, on Feb- 
ruary 20, 1918, C Company went forth from St. Nazaire all by its lonesome. From 
this day C Company was an orphan, till the day the First Battalion came together at 
the Belgian Camp, near LeMans, on April 14, 1919. Later, most of the regiment 
gathered at the Forwarding Camp. It was here that the Returned Orphan trounced 
the Favorite Son in a game of baseball — our greatest victory of the great war. Be- 
tween these dates we had been adopted, only to be cast off again, by numerous foster 
parents — by the various divisions entering "our" sector, and by the First Army. 

February 20 was a bright warm day. We rolled dry packs. This was the only 
time while we were in France that the regulations did not require that we roll more or 
less moisture inside our packs. The next day it rained. The sun apparently did not 
look upon this trip with favor. In fact he did not look upon it at all, for we did not 
see his face for five days. We found this to be not unusual. Sunshine is a great delicacy 
in France, and is taken in very moderate doses at long intervals. Marching in com- 
pany formation to the train in the yards beyond the station, we reached our first ob- 
jective about dark. 

After the company had been scientifically distributed, with five small men in some 
compartments and nine large ones in others, and rations had been allotted in inverse 
ratio to the number of men in a compartment, the dispatcher blew a blast on his fish 
horn, the conductor tooted two little toots on his tin whistle, and the engine up in front 
acquiesced in a small thin voice that reminded one of the giant in the quartette singing 
high tenor, and we were off at 7 :50 p. m. 

As soon as the train started we almost immediately began to reach other objectives. 
We seemed to be reaching objectives most of the time. Perhaps this French habit of 
reaching objectives explains that oft repeated "We reached our objective" in the 
official communiques. There seemed to be an objective right at hand for use on all 
occasions. In our case at each objective there seemed to be some objection to going any 
further. As a result we made 517 miles in 60 hours, or at the rate of 8.6 miles an 
hour. We should have reached our destination with a few pounds of steam left in less 
time than it took those French traffic mismanagers to lose our car of provisions. But 
we did not. We kept right on from one objective to another for 24 hours after that 
car was lost. We never did take much stock in objectives, even on a full stomach, and 
before that 24 hours were up our interest was centered around one point very much 
nearer and dearer to us than any objective could possibly be. 

It is a matter of much regret, from an historical point of view, that this, our first 
tour of French railway yards and sidings, was not made in the regulation "Hommes 
40 Chevaux 8" or "Side Door Pullmans." We do not remember ever having seen 
third class coaches mentioned in any of the jokes or cartoons. It might even be ques- 
tioned, by any but an eye witness, if we were real soldiers. However, we have the sat- 
isfaction of feeling perfectly sure that these particular coaches had been discarded early 
in the 19th century, and had been removed either from the museum or the scrap heap 
especially for this trip— probably from the scrap heap, for they had been partly taken 

20 



From St. Nazaire to the Front 



21 



apart and all the comfortable parts removed. All the flat wheels and the holes where 
the window glass had been, were carefully left. All these cars did not need to make 
them as good as new was the track they shimmied on. 

Under ordinary circumstances the soldier is very much disinclined to take ser- 
iously and obey the last order of the day — "Taps." But as night came on and our 
train rested peacefully on some siding, or became restless and shimmied on a few miles, 
we were all overcome with a great desire. We wanted more than anything else in the 
world to lie down and sleep — or at least to lie down. We felt that we just must 
assume a reclining position. In each compartment there were eight men, on an average, 
on the two facing seats, sixteen feet in the aisle, and packs, hardtack, tomatoes, a fraction 
of one chevaux (canned), rifles, helmets, etc., hung and packed in any small space not 
filled with humanity. The problem of how eight men could lie down under these cir- 
cumstances was never solved to the satisfaction of all concerned. A few managed to 
fashion hammocks of shelter-halves and swing them from the racks over head. The 
rest just mixed it. In the cold gray dawn of the morning after, the process of un- 
tangling must have been most amusing to an onlooker. It was tedious and more or less 
painful. Occasionally some part of one's anatomy, failing to function properly and 
awaken promptly, lost its identity. Had nature not forseen this contingency, and 
fashioned us in a manner that made it quite impossible to select the wrong feet to walk 
on, the result might have been quite serious. A man is not overly careful before 
breakfast, especially if he has a lurking suspicion that breakfast will be delayed and 
possibly held over till another cold gray dawn. 

On this tour we had an excellent view of the freight cars and the backs of some 
of the lesser buildings in the following cities and towns through which we passed (not 
to mention the numerous villages, crossroads, sidings, etc., at which we stopped) : 
Nantes, Tours, Vierzon, Dijon, Toul and Menil-la-Tour, the railhead. We cannot 
pass judgment on these cities from first hand information, as all the yards looked about 
alike. We did not like the names, either as pronounced in French or as they looked in 
English. Tours aroused some little interest as probably being one of Cook's, but we 
did not see his name on it anywhere, which seemed unusual if it were really one of his. 

We reached Dijon on the afternoon of the 22nd- — nearly two days out. It was 
about here that the French gave us a lesson in what war really is. They saw our car of 
provisions and, no doubt thinking it a likely objective, took it. At least we lost it, and 
as we were still some distance from the front, we could not charge it to the Germans. 
We wished that we could. We were over here to lick the Germans and would as soon 
lick them for stealing as anything else. But the French, we understood, we were help- 
ing. This was later confirmed — we were helping them to whatever they could lay 
hands on and anything American seemed to be especially desirable, even corned 
''Willie." We did not at first realize the importance of this loss. But as the hours 
passed and we had nothing else to do, we very much desired to eat. There was little 
left on the train but cold, tinned tomatoes, so we went forth at each stop in search of 
food. But the inhabitants thereabouts had evidently been advised of our coming and, 
contrary to the teachings of the Bible, were thinking of the morrow. Here and there 
a loaf of bread and a few bottles of vin were the reward of our efforts. At Toul we 
marched nearly half a mile for some coffee. No one knows why it was called coffee — 
perhaps because it could be truthfully called nothing else. This coffee, so called, was 



22 



C Company, Our Book 



"served" in pint cups and was nearly half an inch deep in the bottom of the cup. It 
furnished stimulant enough to get us back to the train but little more hungry than when 
we left it. There had been two other stops for coffee — at 1 :30 a. m., and 8 :00 a. m. on 
the 21st — before we began our fast, the first coming between objectives, thereby fur- 
nishing an additional perfectly valid excuse for further delay. 

The scenery at this time of the year was not particularly attractive and was not 
greatly appreciated by us. We noticed that the slums seemed to be rather more ex- 
tensive than the ones we had read about. How much further they extended beyond our 
observation we never thought to enquire. The vineyards and wine cellars attracted 
some attention, and we noted as odd the corrugated fields and the old tree stumps along 
the hedges wearing their bushy branches pompadour. To really enjoy the scenery one 
should not travel on an empty stomach with eight in a compartment of third class 
coaches on flat wheels. 

Reaching Menil-la-Tour, we detrained and "fell in" at about noon on Saturday 
the 23rd. Strictly speaking we had not quite reached Menil-la-Tour, but had run 
short of steam or brains or something and come to a stop in the mire of a cornfield. 
No doubt there was some good military reason why we should get out and wallow 
around in the mud and hike to town, where the train shortly overtook us. It might 
very well have been because we were in a hurry but it was not, for, after marching to 
the edge of the town we rested on our arms, or any other part of our anatomy most 
convenient, for hours. We had no particular objection to resting, but when it later 
developed that we had eight miles still to go, and no taxis in sight, we wished we might 
have made tracks while the sun was shining. The next few hours were the saddest of 
the Company's history. Sixty hours cramped up and inactive on a train — twenty-four 
practically without food — then a march of eight miles with full packs in mud inches 
deep through a forest as black as Pat's hat, was not our idea of a delightful picnic, and 
we said as much. However, we were not a man short when we arrived at Gerard-Sas 
in the Foret de la Reine. We should say arrived in — for we were in almost to our 
knees. We were also in the "Zone of Advance," and could hear for the first time the 
boom of guns and the crack of rifles. 

We had reached our objective in spite of our friends and with no apparent objec- 
tion on the part of our enemies. 

GERARD-SAS 

After detraining at about 9:30 a. m. on February 23, 1918, in open country be- 
hind the hills and woods to the north and east of Menil-la-Tour, we (Co.'s A. and C. 
together with 1st Battalion Headquarters, 23rd Engineers) set out across the fields, 
which were soaking wet from the usual spring rains of France, with full packs, toward 
the village of Menil-la-Tour at that time headquarters for the 1st Division, for further 
instructions as to our next camp. 

After standing around in the wet and mud a few hours, the necessary maps and 
verbal instructions were received to enable us to proceed to our first permanent location 
in the zone of advance. The hike lasted into the night, thru rain and mud, within 
sound of the big guns for the first time, and without two previous meals, and was one 
of the most depressing experiences that both officers and men of the company went 



From St. Nazaire to the Front 



23 



through. The hardships endured during the two departing months of the winter, 
while the S. O. S. was in its infancy, and supplies and equipment were very limited, is 
a matter of history to all organizations in this sector. 

This trip to our new camp, called in French "Gerarde-Sas" but promptly renamed 
by the Americans, after three days experience, the "Hog Wallow," a distance of 14 
kilometers through heavy going over wet and muddy roads, was rather a strenuous 
one as it occurred in February when we carried full packs and followed immediately a 
66 hour ride in the 3rd class coaches, which, when loaded 8 men and equipment to a 
section is not conducive to rest or ease. 

Our camp was reached at about 8:30 that night after having gone astray only 
once when we almost wandered into the front lines without gas masks. And the 
physical condition of the men was such that the only thing that interested them was a 
roof. We got the roof and some were fortunate enough to get some supper from the 
detachment of the First Engineers located near by. The rest, with the aid of candles 
or otherwise (because we were by this time where lights, noise, etc., were tabooed) 
made strenuous efforts to secure a place to rest. 

French infantry had left the camp earlier in the same day and while we did not 
fall heir to any bunk racks, the French, for their own convenience, had provided a 
brush mattress about 6 inches deep, pretty much over the whole of the two sheds to 
which we were assigned. Undoubtedly, most of the men found even this radical change 
in conditions quite comfortable, because of their exhausted condition. 

The next day, Sunday, was devoted largely to straightening things about and it 
was remarkable to note the resourcefulness of many of the men in their efforts to over- 
come the crowded sleeping conditions which were 5 to a 2 metre section of barracks. 
Hay wire played a prominent part in the construction of elevated bunks ; two fellows 
wove from brush a bunk frame which they mattressed with twigs and boughs and later 
suspended from the ceiling. 

The rainy season seemed to be on in full force at about this date for camp conditions 
grew steadily worse during this period of daytime rains and slight freezings at night 
until it was nearly impossible to go even 100 yards without wading knee deep in a com- 
bination of water and mud, — which condition was responsible for the renaming of this, 
our first home at the front. 

That ignorance is bliss was surely proven during the first few days in this par- 
ticular camp. Only a short time previous to our arrival the neighborhood had had a 
gas scare and a week or so after our arrival went through the same thing. Fortunately, 
no alarm came in during our first three days at this place during which time the Com- 
pany was exposed to gas, artillery and planes without any protection whatever. On the 
evening of the third day the Company, with the exception of Dinge Clifton, was pro- 
vided with one of the earlier types of French masks and we were then informed of the 
position we were in and told of the ease with which a gas attack could be put on in our 
neighborhood. Clifton's misfortune was because the French did not make gas masks 
big enough to fit him. 

On the Monday following our arrival and without any equipment except the 
plentiful supply of French picks and shovels, the Company set about the task for which 
it had enlisted ; that of building and maintaining roads to make possible the transfer 
of artillery and supplies to the men in the lines. 



24 



C Company , Our Book 



During this part of February, 1918, the First Division was in the lines with the 
French, undergoing training and acquiring a knowledge of conditions in that sector to 
enable them to take over the line which later became known as the American or Toul 
Sector. 

A few days before Easter, the First Division who had by this time wholly relieved 
the French, were preparing to move to some other sector and to be relieved in the Toul 
Sector by the Yankee (26th) Division. During this change of locations our outfit 
sought to improve its own conditions and at the first opportunity, which occurred on 
Easter Sunday, we moved bag and baggage a little closer to the lines to a place between 
Mandres and Raulecourt and just back of Beaumont, known as "Washington Bar- 
racks." 

WASHINGTON BARRACKS 

No. 103 G-l 

Headquarters, 1st Division, 
American Expeditionary Forces, 
March 30, 1918. 

Memorandum: COMMANDING OFFICER. 23rd ENGINEERS. 

The Commanding General directs that you move the troops of your organization now at 
GERARD-SAS to WASHINGTON BARRACKS on March 31, 1918. 

The bunks now up on GERARD-SAS will not be taken down. The same applies to the 1st 
Engineers who are vacating Washington Barracks. 

By command of Major General Bullard. 

(Signed) P. E. Peabody. 

Captain Infantry, 
G-l. 

C. O. 23rd Engineers. (Checked) 

C. O. 1st Engineers. 

File. 

Received 

March 31, 1918 

Hdqrs. 1st Bn., 23rd Engrs. 

Early on Easter Sunday, 1918, Company C packed its duds and during one of the 
common every day variety of French rains, moved to Washington Barracks, a camp on 
the De l'Etoille road located in the woods just behind Beaumont and Rambucourt and 
a little to the east of Raulecourt. Generally speaking, the change of location was com- 
pleted shortly after noon of that day but it was two or three days before things were 
straightened out. 

This camp which was built, and up to this time occupied by the first engineers, 
was a very decided change in every respect from our first location in the so-called 
danger zone. Like all other parts of France, it was wet at that particular season of the 
year but the camp was well arranged and could be drained, eliminating much of the 
possibility of disease. It proved to be a much more comfortable camp than our previous 
home and also much more interesting because of its proximity to the lines; in fact, it 
was so much more interesting that we left after a fair amount of encouragement from 
German artillery. 



St. -\" 



The ate of AVashingtoo Barracks, in addition to being just behind Ramb u co u rt 
and Beaumont, was also on the junction of the De l'Etaflle road and the Raulecourt 
cut-off and within 200 yards of some 6-155 M M guns. This combination (located so 
close to the battery and also at the junction of these two roads) put us in a position that 
interested the enemy tens: ierably. A: leas: we ere lei :: relieve 5- i::er having beer, 
there three or four days when he started drumming the woods in that vicinity with gas 
one night at about 2 a.m. That particular time, our first experience of this nature, 
found us sitting around in gas masks untfl about 5 a.m. 

Things were more or less peaceful for the next two or three days but on Monday 
of our second week at Washington Barracks conditions changed considerably. About 
3 p. m.. when most of the men were out of camp, our side of the bines was serenaded 



:r:m German rosmtrts :u me r.eigr.r'trhtoc :: Mtr.tse-: ~zz an. artmery ng tt 

the extent of area: 25 shells. Without question, the Germans were feeling cut the 
territory, attempting to make it warm in the neighborhood of the uuasioads referred 
to above and also to shake up die b attel} in those woods. 

The camp was located just close enough to both the battery and cross-roads to 
maie us rerhars a better targe: than the :ther rv; :b;:;ti. At least we felt ?■: a: that 
time, which was our first experience at this sort of play. Things broke dose en—igh 
to camp to send shrapnel and other articles all over the haiiluay and but little time 
elapsed before our position was realized and orders were issued for all those in camp to 



seek shelter. 

like many other times in the army, the orders isued were absolutely impracticable, 
rcr mere " T ~as r_: ;~e_ter "~\~::~ we ttum seei. rergean: v_.-r.es ziz a :e:a_ ~:r£i~z 
on the "Cut-Off one-half mile from camp and in about the territory that the drum- 
ing started. dynes did not tell his men to seek shelter but rather, said "follow me." 
The diimmuug was working toward camp but Qynes was working very much faster, 
having mate the run in:: un: in abcu: 1 minutes m:re :r less tut :: breath bu: n:t 
sufficiently winded to force him to stop at camp more man long enough to tefl some of 
the bunch there and continue his run down the road. 



Walt 




Camp Central Park 



No. 103 



From : 
To: 

Subject: 



HEADQUARTERS 
1st Battalion 23rd Engineers 

Advance Section, A.E.F. 

Commanding Officer, 1st Battalion, 23rd Engrs. A.E.F. 

Zone Major, Twenty Sixth Division. 

Camps. 



13 April 18. 



1. In harmony with telephonic conversation with you and by direction of Colonel Peake, 
orders have been issued to Company "C" this command, to move from Washington Barracks to 
a new camp on the De l'Etoille Road. The barracks now at Washington Barracks are to be 
dismantled and set up at this new camp site. 

2. The camp on the De l'Etoille Road, known as Camp De l'Etoille, formerly occupied by 
a detachment of the 508th Engineers, has been vacated. If there is no objection from your stand- 
point, we should like to put in a detachment of one hundred colored troops in this camp for work 
on the De l'Etoille Road. 



H. H. Stickney, Jr. 
Major Engineers, R. C. 
PJ W/ fa commanding. 

"Central Park," located in the Foret de la Reine northwest of Toul, at the junc- 
tion of the Boucq-Raulecourt and Cornieville-Mandres Roads, was the best and longest 
occupied of all our camps prior to the armistice. It also enjoyed the distinction of 
being the only camp having Co. C for its first tenants. All our other camps came to 
us second hand. Central Park was built by us when the Germans drove us out of 
"Washington Barracks," and we moved in before it was complete in many details, so 
that even the cooties didn't beat us to it for once. 

The location was well chosen — being about half way between the two battle 
fronts at Montsec and Boucq, and on the main provision line of the "Narrow Gauge." 
Some of the largest trees of the whole surrounding country protected us from observa- 
tion from above, and duck boards gathered from various points and by various means 
protected us from the depths below. We also had the advantage of being far from 
any open space large enough to drill on. In "Company Front" at "Right Dress" we 
extended the whole length of our parade ground, from the Y to the kitchen. Twice 
we went out to drill on the road, but the drills were not particularly successful, and 
they were given up. 

We had a tennis court. 

The two main barracks, sergeants' quarters, kitchen, office, bath house and the 
officers' quarters were moved from "Washington Barracks." The Y tent was one 
left by an outfit on the road to Gerard-Sas. We salvaged the tent, supplies and 
Secretary Armstrong, and moved the whole outfit. We had a number of secretaries 
during our stay in France, but the same tent was with us till the time we left the 
Advanced Sector in April, 1919. Our Y gained quite a reputation, and we had many 
visitors from the surrounding camps and from passing troops. Many a night the tent 



26 



Central Park 



27 



was filled to capacity, with the lost or strayed sleeping on the benches, tables and floor. 
Many a hungry doughboy got his handout of cookies, and an extra G. I. can of coffee 
was none too much to satisfy them, the kitchen supplying the latter. Many a franc 
was added to our mess fund from the sale of plums gathered by the stable sergeant, 
and brought in on his salvaged buckboard and sold at the Y on a 50-50 basis. Many 
were the arguments as to whether we were entitled to all the chocolate "our" Y 
could get, or whether we should divide with our fellow man. The secretary decided 
the argument for himself and was praised and denounced for his decision. 

Catholic and protestant services were held in the same tent where cribbage, 
pinochle and five hundred were played. The notes of the piano were often mingled 
with the never-to-be-forgotten drone of the German bombing planes. Mother Burd 
and "Bobbie" held forth in this same tent at Creue with their endless supply of hot 
chocolate and doughnuts. 

Central Park was, perhaps, as comfortable as any camp under conditions so 
close to the front could be. We had bunks built of rough lumber designed to accom- 
modate four men in two tiers. Bed sacks filled with straw and well covered with 
blankets made sleeping easy after a day with the engineers' implements of war. The 
roofs were tight and the cloth window panes let in a little light. The latter were 
"camouflaged" at night when the candles began to burn. 

"Dinny" contributed a large bit toward ending the war by tagging the various 
buildings with appropriate names. The two barracks were the "Bird Cage" and the 
"Zoo." The kitchen, according to the inscription over the door, was the home of 
"Walborn's trained K. P.'s." "Dinty Moore's Cafe" was the roof and two long 
tables, with benches, that we used as a mess hall. "Gainsborough Studios," on "Fifth 
Avenue," sheltered the Y Secretaries of the gentler sex. 

While there were no signs directing us to "Keep off the Grass," there was one 
"Don't" sign that attracted a great deal of attention, and that was the one that pub- 
lished to the world that our "Dinny" had a keen sense of humor — the one that 
hung on the animal cage — "Don't Feed the Animals, They Are No Better Than 
We Are." Visitors who had not had a good laugh for days would stand and laugh 
at this sign, but would fail to heed it. The animals were, principally, three foxes 
that stayed with us — not from choice- — all the time we were at Central Park. We 
also boasted, at various times, a porcupine, an owl and two hawks. 

The Office stood at the junction of Fifth Avenue and one of the cross streets 
right next to the Mail Sign, which, of course, was the more important of the two. 
On one side of this sign, in large red letters, was one word "Mail." On the reverse, 
in small black letters was "no mail." On returning to camp in the evening all eyes 
turned to the sign that hung on the office, and the spirit of the camp for the evening 
was decided then and there. Red meant for most of us an evening in our bunks and 
all candles burning brightly. Black meant "craps," pinochle, Boucq and possibly 
the "Brig." 

Contributing not a little to our comfort were the Barber Shop and the Cobbler 
Shop. Standing between the Office and the Zoo, the building which housed these 
two centers of gossip and rumor was salvaged and brought into camp by a trio of 
patriots who just would not be called "Barracks Rats," but who hated work like 
poison. While doing the rest of us a mighty good turn, they were putting themselves 



28 



C Company, Our Book 



in a position of great advantage. What cared they if they missed breakfast? Hadn't 
they each a stove? And couldn't they cook better than the cooks? When they needed 
supplies could another be trusted to get them ? Not much — when it meant a pass to 
Toul ! What cared they when pay day came ? Didn't they get a franc for every 
shave? And for the rest of us — didn't a percentage go toward swelling the mess 
fund? And didn't most of it come from "outsiders"? 

Then the Tailor; wasn't he the best tailor in the whole sector — even if he was 
a locomotive engineer in civil life ! Perhaps we should have called the Cobbler Shop 
the Tailor Shop for the tailor had his half of it. Anyway they worked together and 
schemed together and developed a wonderful souvenir collecting system; also an 
underground system to points where the wants of man could be filled without stint, 
and the cares of the world and the war forgotten. 

Our Bath House was the best bath house we had — that is the best we can say 
for it. John pumped the water whenever he felt like it from a muddy ditch, and then 
plugged most of the holes of the shower so that he would not have to pump so soon 
again. The water was heated by a little stove fed with wood cut by John, and John 
cut wood whenever he felt like cutting wood. All in all, though, John gave us pretty 
good service for a dollar ten a day. If he used his head we can hardly blame him. He 
was a soldier. The Laundry and Dye Works were attached to the Bath House. 
John "did" the laundry — the dye works were semi automatic, and were worked in 
conjunction with the laundry. The color of our socks varied from week to week in 
accordance with the prevailing color of the whole wash for the week. 

After the camp walks were finished, Major Duckboard was reduced to Sergeant, 
and put in charge of supplies which he issued from two tents back of the kitchen. 
Uncle Sam never had a more faithful servant than the ex-Major. Nothing got away 
from him without a good and sufficient reason. But is that any reason why he should 
not have a suit to fit? And a pair of officer's leggins? 

Central Park was centrally located in respect to our work on the roads. Up to 
the time of the St. Mihiel Drive practically all of the details were able to come in 
at night. Later, details were sent out for a week or a month at a time, and for this 
reason Central Park seemed more like home to us than did Creue, which we occupied 
for nearly the same length of time. Truck Co. No. 2 would roll into camp in the 
morning and take the various details to work on the Mandres Road, the Cornieville 
Road, the Raungeval Dump, the Boucq Road, etc., and at night would bring us back 
to camp. Our noon meal would be supplied by our kitchen, partly prepared, and the 
cooking would be completed in improvised kitchens near our work, by someone detailed 
for the job. As long as our francs held out, if we were within reach of a farm house 
or a market, we would add eggs and other delicacies to the menu. Many and devious 
were the ways of these "cooks," but the result was generally satisfactory. It was 
often necessary to use the soft pedal, but the whole detail was ready to do anything for 
better "eats" and we "got away with it" in fine style. 

We saw very little of "war" while at Central Park, in spite of the fact that we 
were within reach of the enemy's smaller guns, and in front of our own large ones. 
Central Park was never the proud recipient of a direct hit, although the Germans had us 
spotted in spite of our very good camouflage. One possible explanation for this was 




FISHER ON THE TRAIL BUSTER GOES 

LOOK IT THE EARS ON 'lM ! A.W.O. L . 



Pinny - '2,1 



Central Park 



29 



disclosed when a German map was picked up in the trenches showing our camp as some 
kind of a play ground. Being directly between two observation balloons we were 
often entertained when a German plane came over to burn the balloons. The plane 
was usually successful, and the burning baloon, the two descending parachutes, and 
the plane trying to escape the shells of the anti-aircraft guns and our planes, furnished 
considerable excitement, especially if the shells were breaking directly over our heads. 
Shells went over our heads to Boucq and other points to the rear, and bombing planes 
often gave us the creeps, but except for the time when an anti-aircraft shell fell near 
the Y and the time one of our own planes sent a bullet through one of our cartridge 
belts, while in company formation, Central Park was always comparatively peaceful. 

One bombing plane, having lost its way to Toul, probably, dropped three bombs 
near the Half-Way house on the Boucq-Cornieville road, and shook us up some, and 
made our glassless windows rattle, and one night a lucky (for the Germans) shot 
struck a dump near Royaumeix causing a barrage that was not on the plans. But these 
little incidents did us no harm, and did not seriously disturb our peace of mind. 

Many and varied will be our recollections of Central Park. The little inci- 
dents of our every day life which, taken as a whole, contributed so much toward 
creating an atmosphere unique in army life were, in most instances, when taken 
separately, trivial and passed with little notice. Looking back, however, we find them 
taking on a new interest, and as the years go by this interest will increase, and we 
will never tire of discussing them. 

Remember the time the cooks ( ?) went to Boucq and supper was late? And we 
made so much noise about it the Top Kick told us we were acting like a lot of 
hounds? How we did our best to encourage him by expressing ourselves as hounds 
alone are supposed to? Remember the skull Pruitt brought in from No-Man's-Land 
and how Jordan lectured on it? And so we might go on, forever and a day, but one 
book would not hold it all, and we are crowding the next chapter. The greater part 
of the Reminiscences will have to be left for future gatherings of our clan. 

We will always remember Central Park, and all our memories will not be in the 
debit column, and as time passes many of the debit items will be transferred to the 
credit column. 

THE STONE MARKER AT CENTRAL PARK 
By Joe Jordan 

One beautiful Sunday in June, 1918, Scotty Davis and I found ourselves lean- 
ing against the fence at the crossroads back of the "Y" hut. We were full of rice 
pudding which was good and some of Cook Hodgden's muffiin cake which was not so 
good. We had just finished a large and glorious Sunday dinner and we figured a long 
walk would be better than a couple of O. D. pills. 

There were four roads in front of us, one to Boucq, but we were without francs, 
one to Gerard-Sas, but we had seen enough of that place, one to Headquarters, but 
we were afraid Dr. Rossman might be filling teeth up there, and so we started for 
Mandres. 

We passed Central Park where Fisher was feeding walnuts to the fox in the little 
cage and making a mess for some buck private to clean up next day. O'Brien, Walborn 



30 C Company, Our Book 



and LaBell were tossing a ball under the trees and the K. P.'s were washing up 
the pans while the cooks were wondering how little the bunch would stand for at 
supper time. 

Smoking a couple of Scotty's pipes, we passed the lake on our right and came to 
the Sanzey cut-off where George did M. P. duty. We wondered how a fellow could 
land a job like that. Scotty said they never would give it to us, said he didn't talk 
enough and I talked too much. 

We walked around the curve and stopped at Rock Spur where Sgt. Jones had 
his headquarters. While there, a train of empties came along on the narrow gauge 
and we asked them where they were going and the only one who answered said, "Who 
wants to know?" 

Our next turn was to the right at Wood Spur, where a detail from the 508th 
Engineers were loading wood on a car, each man carrying one piece of wood at a 
time. These pieces weighed about five pounds a piece. When asked by Scotty, they 
all admitted that war was what the Engineers all said it was. 

Turning to the left at the corner where the 508th Engineers were camped when 
we first arrived at the Front, we strolled along to "Lights Out" and took the Mandres 
road to the right from there, passed the artillery positions and on to the little stone 
bridge that Felch cracked with his roller, although he said at the time, "The wind 
did it." We sat down on the bridge and watched the water bugs running around 
on the quiet water. This was always great sport for the sergeants in charge of 
details working on this section of road, so we felt just like a couple of sergeants. 

A coo-coo bird was singing and I thought that was a good sign, because I had 
noticed that the Germans never did any firing while that bird sang. 

But just then an old woman who lived in Mandres and who had always refused 
to leave her home, even in the face of the enemy, came around the bend in the road. 
Now I had always noticed that this old woman, who was as weather beaten as an 
Algerian and so bent over that the sun would have to get down on its knees to shine 
in her face, carried an umbrella, and when convoys were on the road in the woods, 
she would put up her umbrella and the Germans would throw over a few shells. 

After leaving the bridge we stopped at Sgt. Sterl's mess kitchen to see if Kretz 
had hidden anything to eat, but didn't find anything but some empty bottles. 

At "Hill Top," a narrow gauge engine passed us like a pay car passes a bum, but 
we were not going that way so we wondered who laughed last that time. 

We were soon out of the woods and could look right over the camouflage to 
Montsec. We could see the steeple of the church in the little town that stood half 
way up on the right slope of the hill and the graveyard surrounded by a white stone 
wall on the slope toward our lines. We wondered if the Germans had a battery in 
that graveyard as had been often said. 

Back of Montsec stretched a long row of hills, the Heights of the Meuse, and 
between us and the German stronghold ran a ridge upon which the shattered church 
at Beaumont stood like a sentinel. We stood here and watched the Boche trying to 
hit one of our concrete pill boxes in the field near the Mandres-Hamonville road. They 
couldn't hit it so we moved on to Mandres. 

We looked in through the shattered windows of the church and walked among 
the graves in the old churchyard, and then stepping through a newly made hole in 




1 — Central Park Road. 2 — Near Camp Wilson — Colored Troops. 3 — Company C, 23rd 
Engineers Doing Road Work. 4 — You will Need no Introduction to this 
. Man I'm sure. 5 — Central Park — Dinty Moore's Cafe. 



Central Park 



31 



the wall, we went out into an orchard where the Americans killed near there during 
the German attach on Seicheprey were buried. 

We noticed the markers on some of the graves. Each had a dog tag nailed on a 
small wooden cross and partly buried in the soft earth on most of the graves were 
wine bottles, bottom up. In these bottles were pieces of paper with name, number, 
etc. On two of the graves were stones cut and lettered by doughboys who had neither 
time nor tools for a first class job. 

We liked the stones because we thought they would hold out against the winds 
and rains that swept across this flat piece of countryside, and on the way back home 
(Central Park) we talked about a stone marker for our camp. The next day, after 
saluting Capt. Burke we asked him what he thought, he agreed, and told us to see 
Sgt. Fisher. 

After supper that night Scotty and I met at the water cart that stood near the 
kitchen at Central Park and decided to call on Fisher. We stumbled along the duck 
boards in the dark and knocked on the door of Company headquarters. A camouflaged 
voice told us to come in and we found Fisher shooting craps with the office help. He 
asked us what we wanted and we told him we had the Captain's permission to speak 
to the Top Sergeant and we explained about the stone. 

He thought we wanted to build something like the Roosevelt Dam in his front 
yard and said, "You men are crazy." We admitted it and explained that the Captain 
liked our idea and then Fisher said, "Go ahead with it, whatever it is." 

Now we had to find a suitable stone and we collected several before choosing one 
from a shattered church somewhere in Apremont Woods. This stone was carried 
from our front lines by some drivers on a munition convoy that passed our camp every 
night. I spent several days rigging up a work bench and helping McFarland, our 
blacksmith, make some tools from old files and then Scotty and I trimmed up the stone 
and cut a book on the top surface. It represents a closed Bible and on the cover are 
the words: 

Co. "C" 23rd Engineers. U. S. Army 
Central Park A. E. F. July 4, 1918. 

When the stone was finished we got a bag of cement from a gun position near 
"Lights Out," and on the morning of July 4th, 1918, we laid a concrete foundation 
for the marker. We chose a position in our camp near the road where all who pass 
will see it. In the concrete foundation or base we placed a wine bottle containing a 
paper on which was written a complete roster of "C" Company. While the concrete 
was still fresh the stone marker was embedded in it and then the dedication cere- 
monies took place. 

The officials and audience consisted of : 

One officer of our Company, name forgotten. 

Our Top Sergeant, named Fisher. 

A few of the Plebeian class from our Company. 

A few passing Doughboys. 

One French Lieutenant. 

One French Sergeant. 

One U. S. Army Chaplain. 
The Chaplain read a prayer and Scotty Davis fired one shot from his rifle. 



32 



C Company, Our Book 



JOE JORDAN 

Some of the things he said 
Some of the things he did 

Joe joined C Company just after its first members had gone to the rifle range at 
Annapolis. Most of the Company joined at this time and Joe was not noticed in the 
busy days when we had so much trouble hooking up our collars. 

Acting Top Sergeant Deal commanded all of our attention while breaking us of 
civilian habits and teaching us to do "Double Time." When the Company returned 
from the range, Gilliland was "Top" and the next day found Deal marked up for 
Latrine Police. 

Noticing this, the Company said, "To err is human," and wondered who would 
err next, and so they noticed Joe. Joe certainly did err. Probably the first time was 
when Lt. McMaster told him to take off or cover up about a dozen brass ornaments 
and lodge badges Joe was wearing across his chest. 

The next day he was "called" again because his underdrawers, which were only 
eighteen inches too long for him, were rolled down over the outside of his O. D. 
breeches. On this same day he was caught chewing in ranks — Joe certainly did like 
his Climax. 

But his real introduction came at Washington Barracks, D. C. The Company 
was formed in the Company street and Captain Gault Applegarth was out in front in 
his high red rubber boots. The Captain had heard that it was muddy in France, and 
as he wanted his company to go over prepared, he purchased a pair of rubber boots for 
himself and ordered every member of the company to provide himself with a wash pan. 

The Captain yelled, "Right Shoulder-Arms," "Order-Arms," and looked sourly 
at Jordan, who had shown poor judgment by placing himself in the front rank. Again, 
"Right Shoulder-Arms," "Order-Arms," "Say, can't you do Right Shoulder-Arms?" 
"What's your name?" "Step out," and Jordan stepped out and everyone looked him 
over and never forgot him. Sgt. Hicks was detailed to "Take that man away from 
here and teach him the Manual of Arms." Joe said he didn't learn much, because 
Hicks talked through his nose and he couldn't understand him. 

At Washington, D. O, Joe was a whale at K. P. He ate sugar by the hand full, 
drank condensed milk a can at a time and molasses was his favorite dish. He said it 
cost the Government seven dollars in sweets for every day he was on K. P., and he 
always spent the following day feeding the fishes in the Potomac River. 

Joe preferred bunk fatigue to chopping wood for the stove in his tent. His tent 
mates, including a sergeant who did not have to chop wood (when he could get others 
to do it for him) tried hard to make Joe as uncomfortable as possible at wood chopping 
time. Sticks of wood carelessly dropped on his head failed to arouse him. Cold water 
had no effect. Joe was a sleeping beauty and his tent mates at Washington, D. C, 
were well pleased when he changed quarters at Laurel. 

On promising to do a little more than his share of the work, he was taken in by 
Gus, Pruitt, June, Nelson, Johnson and Cpl. Shockney. 

At Laurel, Joe gave nightly exhibitions in the Manual of Arms. He marked 
time while going through all of the movements, even "Parade-Rest" and "Right-Dress." 
He would pound his hob nails on the wooden floor in the tent until the crowd could 



Central Park 



33 



stand it no longer, when he would open a magazine on an up-ended soap box and call a 
meeting of "The Amalgamated Bricklayers of the United States of North America 
and the Dominion of Canada." 

At these meetings, Joe did all the talking and his audience had nothing to do but 
laugh. Even Shockney laughed and Pruitt said a bird who can make a Corporal 
laugh must be good. These meetings usually broke up when Gus would come along 
outside and shout, "Jordan on K. P. tomorrow." This always worried Joe as he 
never could tell who it was, and as he drew K. P. quite often, he figured that someone 
had it in for him. 

One day we were told to roll long packs for inspection. After struggling with 
his roll for fifteen minutes, Joe decided that the straps on the pack carrier were about 
a foot too short. Some one suggested rolling the pack a little tighter, and after taking 
out two pounds of chewing tobacco, a can of jam and several sweaters, three men were 
able to fasten the straps. After inspection in the grand stand of the race track, Joe's 
pack was rolled again and Joe said he knew it would stay rolled as he knew we would 
start for France the next day and he didn't want to wrestle with the thing again. 

So on the coldest night the state of Maryland had seen in twenty-five years, Joe 
slept in the one blanket that was to be carried in the barracks bag. He almost froze 
to death and was very peeved, when shortly after breakfast it was announced that 
another inspection would be held and every man would roll a short pack. 

On the trip from Laurel to Hoboken, Joe was on guard in the baggage car most 
of the night. It was dark and cold in this car and he kept warm by going through the 
setting up exercises. He said he was good at these exercises in the dark. 

On the barge that carried the baggage down the river at Hoboken, Joe got real 
chummy with some officers and borrowed their glasses to look at New York City. He 
said the glasses made it look like a big place. 

On the morning after we sailed, Joe got up early — went up on deck and came back 
to report that we were traveling east by southeast and were off the coast of Bolo. 

He was one of the first to notice the shortage of grub and soon signed up as dish 
washer for the sailors mess, where he ate like a sailor, which was very well indeed. 

He bought a sailor's cap and blouse and said he was willing to serve in both the 
Army and the Navy. One day he put on the wrong coat after his work at the sailors' 
mess and was surprised to find chevrons on his sleeves. He was greatly worried until 
he found his own coat. 

Lt. Butler appointed him guard at one of the life boats. From that time on he 
carried his rifle and one hundred rounds of ammunition wherever he went, as he said 
he wanted to be ready when the "Abandon Ship" signal blew. 

Joe was asleep when the lighter along side of the ship at Brest caught fire. The 
alarm woke him up. He shouted, "Submarine," and rushed for the life boat without 
even his clothes. 

Going across, Joe proved that his eyes were O. K. He said he saw a sail. No 
one else could see it. He pointed and said, "There it is, it is just out of sight." 

On entering the harbor at Brest, a few small fishing boats were seen. Joe said, 
"No wonder they need us — the French are all out fishing." 



34 



C Company, Our Book 



In St. Nazaire, Joe was surprised to find quite a few French soldiers in uniform 
enjoying a few days with their families. He said, "No wonder the Germans are 
winning, for every American that lands, two Frogs go home." 

After a couple of our fellows had shot themselves up at Gerard-Sas, Joe said, "C 
Company will end this war by killing off the whole American Army." And when Ben 
Clark took out the "moon shooting detail," Joe claimed to be a prophet. He took part 
in a great many skirmishes in the Battle of Boucq and some of the natives thought he 
owned the United States. 

He figured out several ways of destroying the German Army. He thought it 
could be done by electricity, a powerful flash being sent across the lines by an operator 
who would be encased in seven feet of rubber. 

Joe lectured in the "Y" tent at Central Park on Wednesday evenings. His talk 
on "The Quack Doctors of Hot Springs, Arkansas," will long be remembered. The 
day after this lecture Joe was sick, but Lieut. Stockton, who had been in the audience, 
gave him an O. D. pill and marked him "Duty." 

When the bridges and culverts on our roads needed repairing, Joe did the work 
and the non-coms received the credit. He was clever at masonry work. He and Scotty 
Davis built the fire place in our kitchen at Central Park and cut the stone that tells 
the world that "C" Company of the 23rd Engineers was in that section of woods on 
July 4th, 1918. The officers wanted a private kitchen and Joe built them a fire place 
that smoked them out. 

Leaving the Company when we moved to Creue, Joe traveled from one hospital to 
another, came home on a hospital ship and was sent to the hospital at Camp Grant. 
While there a call was made for wounded veterans to man a train that was to tour the 
Middle West for the Victory Loan Drive. Joe volunteered and was accepted — said he 
was not wounded but he might have been. On this train Joe helped a lieutenant, who 
had never been across, show the natives how the doughboys went over the top. Joe 
says, "The drive was a success." 

BOUCQ 

The little town of Boucq was of much interest to us for it was the nearest place 
to Central Park in which the various beverages and good things to eat could be se- 
cured. We found that the French families would, for a little coaxing and a few francs, 
cook for us anything we could buy in the stores. Eggs, potatoes, ham and cheese could 
be found in nearly all of them most of the time. Bread was very hard to get so we 
made a practice of taking our own along with us when we went out looking for eats. 
Many a French family has looked on in wonder at the quantity of eggs and potatoes 
one American soldier could put away. Many and various were the assaults made on 
this town by the men of the Company. King Cognac was holding the fort and up untill 
the time we left that section he was still on deck although at times he was known to be 
on his last legs. Some members of the A. E. F. tell us there was no such battle as 
the "Battle of Boucq Hill," but we should know — we took part in it. 




) 



Central Park 



35 



THE SPY HUNT 

To the tune of "He Said That He Loved Her But O! How He Lied" 

Ben Clark one night thought that he saw a spy, 
He saw a spy, he saw a spy, 
Ben Clark one night thought that he saw a spy, 
He saw a spy. 

So he went to the "Y" hut to get ten good men, 
Get ten good men, get ten good men, 
So he went to the "Y" hut to get ten good men, 
Get ten good men. 

We all shouted out that we wanted to go, 
Wanted to go, wanted to go 
We all shouted out that we wanted to go, 
Wanted to go. 

We went for the spy in the snow and the rain, 
Snow and the rain, snow and the rain. 
We went for the spy in the snow and the rain, 
Snow and the rain. 

Ben said when I give the command you all shoot 
At the spy, shoot at the spy. 

When I give the command you all shoot at the spy, 
Shoot at the spy. 

When Ben gave the command we all shot at the moon, 
Shot at the moon, shot at the moon, 
When Ben gave the command we all shot at the moon 
Shot at the moon. 

Oh the captain he called us and took all our guns, 
Took all our guns, took all our guns, 
Oh the captain he called us and took all our guns, 
Took all our guns. 

Yes he took all our guns, but he left Benny his, 
Left Benny his, left Benny his. 
Yes he took all our guns, but he left Benny his, 
Left Benny his. 

For Benny was right and the detail was wrong, 
The detail was wrong, detail was wrong, 
For Benny was right and the detail was wrong. 
Detail was wrong. 

Now this is the end of that famous spy hunt, 
Famous spy hunt, famous spy hunt, 
Now this is the end of that famous spy hunt, 
Famous spy hunt. 

(Founded on fact and written for one of our shows in the "Y" hut at Central Park) 



Road Work with "C" Company 



The 23rd Engineers were recruited and organized for road work in France, but 
as far as we know C Company was the only company in this, the second largest regi- 
ment in the army, that did nothing but road work. 

The other companies built railroads, bridges, camps and did about everything an 
engineering outfit might be called upon to do, until the Meuse-Argonne offensive, when 
road work was taken up by the regiment as a whole. 

C Company was picked from the first 1200 men assigned to the regiment at Camp 
Meade and landed in France "Rarintogo." 

When we arrived at Camp Gerard-Sas, our road work began. We marched about 
five or six kilometers through the mud each morning, stood in the rain all day and 
marched back again at night. This lasted for about six weeks and at the end of that 
time, the roads were in the same bad condition as when we started, because we were 
poorly equipped for road work. We were spread out over many more miles of road 
than we could have done under any circumstances and we did not receive enough road 
building material to keep one-tenth of the Company busy. And so we stood out in the 
rain day after day and cursed. 

After this first bad spasm of rain, mud and inefficiency we moved our camp. The 
weather cleared up and we began to conquer the mud and our road building really 
started. French steam rollers, American trucks and American picks and shovels 
arrived and later American gas rollers and tractors put in a welcome appearance. 

Now we formed definite plans and roads were laid out and worked in an or- 
ganized manner and we were able to feel that at last we were accomplishing something. 
At the time of beginning work, ration wagons were daily stuck in the mud in the 
middle of the roads, and it was the desire of the Commanding General of the Division, 
to ride over these roads in his automobile. 

On April 1st, the First Division was replaced by the 26th Division. On the 23rd 
of May, Lieut. Butler received for the company, and its Commanding Officer, the 
compliments of the Commanding General of the Division, who was able to go over 
the roads in his automobile at normal speed and ease. 

All through the summer of 1918 we worked. Sometimes we had Sunday off and 
often we never knew when it was Sunday, but when the First Army was formed for the 
St. Mihiel Drive and business began to pick up and a large number of troops began to 
come into the old sector, Northwest of Toul, the roads were in ideal condition and C 
Company could well feel proud of the work it had done. 

All of this time we had been doing all of the work ourselves, work that none of 
us were used to; work that only the poorest grade of troops are usually called upon 
to do. 

We had enlisted in the 23rd Engineers because the Government had called for 
men who could supervise road work. Many of us would have chosen other branches 
of the service, but were told that our knowledge and ability would be most useful in 
this regiment. And so it is only fair to state that many of us were disappointed, though 
none were discouraged, and every man "played the game," digging ditches, breaking 



36 



Road W ork with C Company 



37 



rock, loading and unloading trucks, spreading rock and sand on lonesome roads and 
often wondering what it was all about. 

But in August, 1918, the service battalions began to arrive and most of our com- 
pany were able to lay aside the picks and shovels and take charge of details from these 
organizations. 

Throughout the St. Mihiel and Meuse-Argonne Offensives, the service battalions 
were with us and we still had some labor troops working under our orders when we 
left the devastated area in the spring of 1919. 

We had been in the sector northwest of Toul for fourteen months and we had 
built and maintained a great many roads in this sector, roads that are there to-day 
rising from the mud, a monument to C Company. 

Tourists to France will seldom use these roads, few Americans will ever pass over 
them, but in the darkness of night the American First Army, the greatest army this 
country has ever produced, tramped over these roads that we will always call "ours," 
and the Boche was driven from positions he had held for four long years. 

Of all the roads that C Company worked, the Route de l'Etoille, which ran past 
our camp at Central Park and the Raulecourt cut-off was, no doubt, the most im- 
portant. We changed the roads from muddy trails to boulevards. Here the Company 
went through its darkest, hardest days; here we worked, suffered and succeeded, here 
we built as fine roads as any army ever built anywhere. 

Comparing the methods of road building used in France with the established meth- 
ods in this country leaves one to wonder how a road was ever made. In the first place 
an engineer going into a swampy country would say that the road would have to be 
raised up, or a fill made, to bring it above the action of the water. Over there we did 
not have time to make a fill or to prepare a subgrade. In many places the base rock 
was placed in mud and water and often the first trip over it with the roller would bring 
the mud up between the rocks. 

Many miles of old roads were repaired by continuous patching until in the end 
they were as good as a new base. Holes would show up under traffic. Sometimes they 
were small but more often large enough to stop traffic. A place like this would be 
excavated, all the mud and loose material removed, and a new base of large rock placed 
by hand. Rollers would be put on and the base rock compressed as much as possible. 
Second course put on and again rolled, then the surfacing, and again rolled until even 
with the surface of the old road. Details of men from the Company spent months at 
this kind of work. The roads were open to traffic at all times and good results were 
obtained in this way. 

In many places it was necessary to widen an old road that had been a four meter 
road to a six meter road. A trench was dug one meter wide on each side of the road 
down to the bottom of the old base and rock was placed and compressed with the roller. 
In most cases, where roads were made wider a new surface was put on over the full 
width of the road. After the sides had been laid all soft or bad spots in the old base 
were dug out and relaid, then the base was ready for the surfacing. 

From four to six inches of crushed rock was spread on with dump trucks and 
rolled until it would stay in place under the roller, water was then put on and rolled 
again, the water acted on the soft lime stone and a smooth surface could be secured by 



38 



C Company, Our Book 



plenty of rolling. In many places where the crushed rock could not be held together 
under the roller by using water a binder of sand and clay was used, rolled in dry first, 
then water was used and the smooth surface could be secured by rolling and sweeping 
in with brooms. In many places soft spots would show up. After the surfacing had 
been put on these spots were dug out and again large rock was placed and a new top 
was put on. 

Where entirely new road was built the method was to place each rock by hand, as 
a rule large end down, where the ground was very soft. Smaller rock was placed by 
hand to fill in between the base rocks before the roller was allowed on it. Quite often it 
was necessary to use a hammer to break up rock for this purpose. Where the subgrade 
was very soft we learned that it was best to put on the second course of rock before 
putting the roller on it. In this way more even compression was made by the roller and 
we had fewer places to dig out after the road was completed. In many places I have 
seen the subgrade so soft that two and three courses of base rock have been rolled in 
before a second course could be put on. We learned that the white limestone used for 
a surface under the action of the rain and continuous traffic was too soft as a wearing 
surface so it became necessary to bring in river gravel. 

In many places it was possible to roll this river gravel into the crushed rock with- 
out using additional binder. By putting it on in thin courses and using plenty of 
water as the roller was going over it the limestone surface could be softened enough 
to embed the gravel and in this way an excellent wearing surface was obtained. 

The lime stone would absorb the water and dry quickly but while wet was very 
slippery so care had to be taken not to put too much crown on the road. The roads 
needed plenty of crown for a quick drainage but too much crown was a serious matter 
to motor vehicles. 

From the 1st of May, the traffic on all roads under our care increased each day. 
Besides the movement of troops to and from the lines with all their trucks, artillery, 
ammunition and supplies, there was an ever increasing amount of war material coming 
into the rail heads and from there to the ammunition and engineer dumps in prepara- 
tion for the St. Mihiel drive which started Sept. 12th. 

At times during the day the traffic was so great that work on the roads was held 
up for hours at a time. Many times a convoy of troops or a truck train of ammunition 
or other supplies would come through just as we were in the midst of laying the surface 
on a piece of road. Often there would be several hundred yards of loose crushed rock 
all placed and ready for the roller and after a truck train of fifty or a hundred trucks 
had plowed through it the work of spreading had to be gone over again. Divisional 
movement of troops over these roads, as a rule, took place at night for it was too close 
to the lines for any large body of troops to move in the day time, although most of the 
roads were in a heavy forest. 

The Route de 1'Etoille leading from "Central Park" to Mandres-aux-Tours was 
about 6 Kilometers, or 3-54 miles. In February, 1917, it was very nearly impassable. 
We scraped it and broomed it and filled the holes with "little ones made out of big ones" 
so that, in a little less than three months, it was so improved that the Major was 
astonished! (See copy of his letter of May 26th.) 



Road W ork with C Company 



39 



Route de l'Etoille 

"Lights Out" was only a mud covered crossroads in the woods. At one corner 
stood a post which supported a box-like affair with a gabled wooden roof and canvas 
sides. At the front of this box was a small door and the whole thing looked like a 
large bird-house. 

But it was not a bird-house, it was a sign post, erected to warn the French who 
had held this Sector. Painted on one side in large black letters was "Lights Out" and 
the other side told the drivers that they could light their lanterns. A lamp of some 
kind placed inside would cause these instructions to be easily seen on the canvas sides, 
and vehicles going up put out their lights and those coming back could light up. 

This sign carried no warning for the American Expeditionary Forces, lights were 
not allowed for many miles back of the lonesome crossroads where this old abandoned 
French sign stood, but it gave us a name for the place where a great many of us started 
our road work in France and C Company always called it "Lights Out." 

Turning to the left of "Lights Out," the road led to Washington Barracks and the 
"Raulecourt Cutoff." To the right it followed a winding course through the woods 
for about one kilometer and then turned sharply to the left, crossed a stone culvert 
large enough to be called a bridge and continued in a straight line at the right of the 
forest to "Hill Top." 

"Hill Top" was about two kilometers from "Lights Out" and was the highest 
piece of ground on this road, rising 30 or 40 ft. above the low ground on either side. 

In February, 1918, details started to scrape the wet mud from the old narrow 
French road, two one-lung French trucks with French drivers hauled about three yards 
of rock a day. We pounded this rock with sledge hammers and placed the broken 
pieces in ruts. But the mud came up and the rocks went down and the road did not 
improve, so we started to build a real road. 

The old French four meter road was nothing but a trail and merely served as a 
line for our new road. Our road was six meters wide with a one meter strip of Tilford 
on each side of the old macadam. Four or five inches of poor grade limestone rock 
formed the first course and two to three inches of hard red gravel formed the top 
course. This was bound in with a sandy sort of soil taken from a hillside at Boucq and 
called "Boucq-binder." In places "Blockage" was laid flat on the surface of the old 
road before the limestone and finishing courses were applied. 

It was slow work. We dug the trenches and ditches often in several inches of 
water and the mud and muck stuck to the picks and shovels. We were using French 
tools — a short handled clumsy pick, a long straight handled awkward and almost use- 
less shovel. We laid Tilford without gloves. We spread rock, unloading it, from 
trucks that were never built for hauling road material, with the same almost useless 
shovels. The Ammunition bodied F. W. D. is not a nice place in which to use even 
a real shovel. 

Along this road were several old French artillery positions which were used 
occasionally by the American batteries. C Company was always very chummy with the 
artillery men and some of us were often sorry that we had not enlisted in that branch 
of the service. 

It was on this piece of road that our brand new, but badly battered rolling kitchen 
made its first and last attempt to produce a mess of slum. 



40 



C Company, Our Book 



When the kitchen arrived at Camp Gerard-Sas it looked like a prize package to 
everyone but the K. P. who had to clean it up. When it made its first appearance on 
the road, it was escorted by a cook, an assistant cook, two drivers, the First Sergeant, 
one First Lieutenant and the Captain. Everything looked fine, but the fire had gone 
out, the stew was cold and only partly cooked, and the gang enjoyed a two hour dinner 
period waiting for their grub. That settled the rolling kitchen and from that time on it 
was only used as a dish water heater. 

Kitchens were established on the roads, each detail erecting some sort of camou- 
flaged affair where canned goods could be warmed up and served with the usual black 
coffee and mouldy bread. 

Everything was sailing along on this work when the weather cleared up in the 
late Spring. The American gas rollers arrived and all the material was delivered by 
the Truck Company in self-dumping Mack trucks. American picks and shovels 
were received and a real piece of road was being built. 

About this time one of the stones in the little stone bridge became broken and 
McGovern and Jordan built a concrete support in the water under the bridge. For 
this work McGovern received a corporal's warrant and Jordan a strained back. 

On the left of this bridge toward Mandres, Shorty Lowther built a very decora- 
tive piece of mud bank, smoothing off the wet mud with the face of his shovel and 
planting a row of branches on top, all of which caused the Captain to rave. 

It was here at the bend of the road that a Signal Corps movie man took pictures 
of Lieut. Butler and Sgt. June as they walked over what they considered a fine piece of 
road work. Latest reports say that Butler and June are still spending money looking 
for this picture in the movie houses. 

It was at this bend in the road that Jack Martin took Tanner's job on the old 
French steam roller, while Tanner nursed a stomach ache for a day in "quarters." 
Jack had been the fireman on this roller for some time, but had never attempted to run 
the old bird. Tanner, Felch and Ellis seemed to have the best luck with these old 
rollers and Seaver, Bailey and Tanner afterwards handled some that were just as old, 
if not older. It was always hard to keep Tanner on a roller, however, as he insisted 
on getting off to tell anyone who would listen about the laundry in which he had 
worked in Michigan. 

On the day Martin handled Tanner's roller he became thoroughly disgusted 
with French rollers and a lot of other things. That old roller insisted on sliding into 
the ditch and Jack finished the day rolling in the middle of the road. After that day 
he could not be coaxed to get on the roller and Seaver offered to handle the job for a 
day or two and liked it so well he stayed on the rollers all summer. But Martin could 
not get away from that old bad-luck roller. He drew a job helping Fry keep the small 
front wheel clean. There were no scrapers on the front wheel so two men were 
assigned to act as scrapers. These men walked, one on each side, and knocked the 
larger patches of dirt and binder off the wheel. 

The Boche bounced a few shells off this road now and then and occasionally he 
dropped a few in the ditches, but he seldom bothered the road builders on this par- 
ticular section of the road. 

Some parts of the road were in plain view of Montsec and where the road left 
the woods, the enemy could see every move we made, but, although he shelled the 



Road Work with C Company 



41 



nearby fields, towns and artillery positions, he did not bother C Company very much, 
until one dismal morning we arrived to find the machine gun crew, who were sta- 
tioned in a camouflaged position at the side of our road just back of "Hill Top," had 
been driven out by gas. 

The gas was still in the low places when we arrived shortly after seven o'clock. The 
machine gun crew stopped our truck and warned us, and we waited about half an 
hour for the wind to blow the gas away before going to work. 

Our road was surfaced up to "Hill Top" and on this morning our detail and a 
detail from A Company, 21st Engineers, who were laying narrow gauge railroad 
tracks, were both working at "Hill Top." 

It was a dark cloudy day with frequent showers of rain, a fine day for artillery 
to work on enemy positions. 

On the previous day a battery of six inch rifles, in position at "Lights Out," used 
one gun to fire on a railroad station back of the Boche lines. This battery from the 51st 
Coast Guard Artillery was on the Front for the first time and was proud of the work 
done by their gun on the previous day, so about nine o'clock they opened up again, 
firing one gun. A battery of six inch howitzers at "Hill Top" and just to the right 
of our road, also started to use one gun, firing alternately with the Coast Guard 
Artillery. 

Shortly after these batteries started to fire, the enemy began to shell the woods on 
our left with light artillery. Our batteries continued to fire for about an hour when 
the Boche began using an eight inch gun. The first shell from this gun hit about one 
hundred feet in front of the gun that was working in the Coast Guard Artillery bat- 
tery and the second hit in the ditch on our road just back of the gun, whose crew, in- 
cluding a Major and several other officers had left the gun and arrived in the road just 
in time to be blown over by the second Boche shell. 

Our batteries stopped firing. We ducked from "Lights Out" and the enemy 
stopped shelling the woods and started to rake the road leading up to "Hill Top." 
Everyone then took to the woods and the German batteries stopped firing. But in an 
hour they opened up on us again, several batteries of three and four inch guns suddenly 
started to shell "Hill Top," and the details working there were forced to seek cover 
with no good cover available. 

Most of the men crawled under a couple of narrow gauge flat cars loaded with 
sections of rails for the narrow gauge railroad. Others chose the woods near our 
kitchen. Tanner and Seaver were at the creek drawing water for the roller. They 
ran the roller to one side of the road and then sat down on this bridge to watch the 
show, although shells were breaking all around them. 

One small shell hit a switch a few feet from the flat cars and most of the 21st 
Engineers left, running in the direction of Hamonville. Costa did his own thinking and 
headed for camp, but stopped after running several hundred feet and returned for his 
mess kit. 

When the detail was checked up Gruber and Martin were missing. While 
running along the narrow gauge railroad through the wood toward Hamonville, they 
saw a gas shell explode in the ditch just ahead of them and started to put on their 
gas masks. While doing this they heard a six inch shell "whistling their numbers" 
and jumped into the ditch just as the shell exploded on the other side of the railroad. 



42 



C Company, Our Book 



The embankment probably saved their lives, but they had not had time to adjust their 
masks and had jumped into the gas filled ditch. 

Joining the 21st Engineers they sat on the railroad track in an open space until 
the shelling stopped, when they crawled and staggered back to the road and were 
taken to the hospital in an ambulance that had been stationed with the artillery. After 
many weeks in the hospital, Gruber went to a non-com school, was made a sergeant and 
sent home in charge of a casual company. 

Martin returned to C Company, but he never was quite well after being gassed. 
C Company built roads from St. Mihiel to Pont-a-Mousson and from Menil-la- 
Tour to Verdun, but the road from Headquarters to Mandres will always be first in 
our memories. 

It was through the early summer months, while the Boche were making their 
tremendous pushes in Flanders, and everything was quiet in the Toul Sector, where 
divisions moved in and out, that this company was at times discouraged, feeling that 
their days of toil with pick and shovel were being unnoticed and accomplishing little 
to attain the great purpose of the war. Then in August, began the formation of the 
First Army and Company C, 23rd Engineers, became Army Troops. Soon came rumors 
and signs of an offensive and the big guns that were used to reduce the German's 
stronghold, Montsec, in view of which for many weeks the men had worked, were 
brought up over the De l'Etoille Road. 

For the offensive, the De l'Etoille Road, now a Highway, was named the Axial 
road for the 42 Division and Lieut. Butler was placed in charge of the road. The 
week previous to the offensive, was a constant source of gratification to the company, 
for the ever increasing stream of two-way traffic showed that every stroke of the pick 
and shovel on the road, thru the long summer months, was being rewarded many times. 

Raulecourt Cut-Off 

This road branches off the Raungeval-Mandres Highway at a point about 4 kilo- 
meters southwest of the little town of Mandres. It extends through the woods for a 
distance of about 2.7 kilometers. After leaving the latter there still remained a dis- 
tance of about 7.5 kilometers to Raulecourt, which distance was entirely in the open 
and in plain view of Montsec. 

From a military point of view it was plain that this particular cut-off, after its 
completion, would prove very advantageous to the Allies in either an offensive or a de- 
fensive drive. Owing to the protection offered by the woods a great many troops, as 
well as tanks, batteries, etc., could be brought in and kept under cover at all times and 
ready for action at a moments notice. 

The means for bringing up the supplies to this proposed base were very adequate as 
the narrow gauge railroad ran under cover most of the way from the standard gauge 
railroad dump at Raungeval up to and parallel with the cut-off intersecting with a 
similar system at Raulecourt. 

It was generally understood from what we were told by French civilians and by 
United States troops other than the 23rd Engineers, that the construction of this road 
had been undertaken by two different units prior to the presence of Co. C in that 
sector, but in each case had to be discontinued owing to its being so close to the front 



Road W ork ivith C Company 



43 



lines and to the presence of several French and American batteries in its immediate 
vicinity. 

Upon being turned over to C Company, 23rd Engineers for its completion, there 
remained about 1126 meters of entirely new road to build, one-half this distance being 
in the open and in plain view of Montsec, and the balance in the woods where the 
roadbed had been partially prepared, though several large stumps and logs still re- 
mained to be disposed of. 

Part of the roadbed through the woods was very soft and marshy and it became 
necessary in preparing the sub-grade, to lay a heavy corduroy base with vertical side 
revetments in order to retain the road metal which was to be placed later. 

The first few days on this road we spent making necessary repairs to the 2 kilo- 
meters of road already built, in order that we could transport the necessary material 
to the point of construction. Following this we took up construction on the new road. 
Our progress was rather slow, however, owing to the uncertainty of materials, trucks, 
etc., and it became necessary to place a repair detail on maintaining the road over which 
our material was being transported. This did not prove very practical as the upkeep 
on this piece of road exceeded a quarter of the material which was being transported 
over it. 

It was next decided to lay the narrow gauge railroad along the side of and 
parallel to our work, when possible, and connect it with the west branch about 1 kilo- 
meter north of "Lights Out." The engineers operating the narrow gauge railroad 
laid the steel to our point of construction. We carried the steel forward and main- 
tained the same, with the progress of the work. 

The material was left at the point of intersection, where the narrow gauge track 
left the woods, and was laid on the shoulders or beams of the new work. In a distance 
of about 170 meters the road rose on an incline of about 3%. Our stable sergeant, who 
happened to have at this time under his care, a few old, second hand, worn out army 
mules, suggested they could be used to good advantage in pulling the cars over this 
grade. The cars averaged about 2 l / 2 or 3 meters of material each. It took only a few 
days for the hard-boiled army mules to decide that this was not what they enlisted for 
and they gave us demonstrations to prove it, which the stable sergeant could not 
figure out, though he talked to them in several different languages. After giving the 
mules their own way we had a truck detailed for this purpose, which proved very sat- 
isfactory and was used during the entire period of construction. 

From this on the road metal was delivered to us at the rate of from 8 to 15 cars 
a day for about three weeks and the progress each day was very encouraging. 

Few days passed that we did not see more or less airplane activity and occasionally 
a real battle in the clouds. These latter were usually observed from the shelter of a 
dug-out or a tree stump or any other object that would afford us protection from the 
shrapnel which fell every time the enemy crossed the line. However, we all seemed to 
get a wonderful lot of stimulus from the air battles and the Hun and American shells 
which whistled over our heads every day. The Huns were always trying to find our 
ammunition dumps and battery positions in the rear but made only one attempt to stop 
our work. This was done in the night and about the time that C Company took over 
the work. The best they could do was to shoot down trees on each side of the road. 



44 



C Company Our Book 



They made only two direct hits in the road, with what we decided to be six or eight 
inch shells. 

Of the men who made the Raulecourt Cut-off, their Sergeant says there were no 
slackers. When it came to handling the 50-100 pound Telford blocks or any of the 
other "implements of war" which were essential for the construction of a macadam road, 
they were always ready. McGee and Mullery, generally speaking, always kept the boys 
in the best of spirits and through the good-fellowship which always prevailed, this de- 
tail, which had grown to number about twenty-two men by this time, was known as 
one of the best in C Company. 

After the Telford base was laid for a distance of 500 meters a surfacing detail 
commenced at the point of construction to apply the surfacing courses. It was originally 
intended that this work should be one course, not paying any particular attention to the 
grades, etc. But this was not carried out as our Captain arrived on the scene one 
morning shortly after the surfacing was started and, much to our surprise, announced, 
with a graceful wave of his hand, that we finish her up like a boulevard. 

At this time Mr. Funk, M. E., was kept much on the jump. Scarcely a day 
passed but we had visitors, from the rank of Colonel, down. We were never able to 
figure out how so many happened to come out our way. But we were thankful that a 
soldier on fatigue duty did not have to salute every officer that passed. 

After about 600 meters of Telford base were laid the quarry output was doubled, 
and owing to the increased quantity of material which was then diverted to the cut-off, 
it became necessary to work two shifts. The second was known as the afternoon 
shift and usually worked from 2 P. M. to 10 P. M., but sometimes their work, which 
consisted in unloading the material from the cars, would hold them into the small hours 
of the morning. This was due to the shortage of U. S. cars and the necessity this 
shortage involved of detaining the cars only long enough to unload them. The length 
of time cars were kept averaged about fifteen minutes, plus the time taken to pull them 
by truck to and from the switch. 

The details of from 10 to 15 men each, which alternated from day to afternoon 
shifts, made some records on the amount of material unloaded and placed during this 
period. Pvt. Roberts made a short job of removing the tree stumps. His first method 
was by using hand grenades. Later, through the efforts of Mr. Funk some dynamite 
was secured. Robby had a little artillery fire all by himself and it was not long 
before the stumps disappeared. We wondered if any of the pieces reached the Hun 
front line and if they did, what our enemy thought of them. 

Progress was being made. One detail was ahead preparing the sub-grade, the 
detail following was laying the Telford base, and the third detail was spreading and 
rolling in the second and third courses and cleaning up ditches and shoulders. 

By the time we had finished the work in the woods and reached the open country 
a company of Engineers was erecting a camouflage fence parallel with the road grade 
in order to offer us some protection from Montsec. Their progress was rapid and in 
a few days their job was completed. The fence construction was of poles about 5 inches 
in diameter and 20 feet long, set in the ground about 3.5 feet and 30 feet on centers. 
Wires were fastened to the poles and on the latter was suspended chicken wire covered 
with burlap. 



Road W ork with C Company 



45 



To the south of the road at this place, and about 100 meters in the woods, was 
an abandoned French artillery camp. All that remained intact here were the kitchen 
and a concrete bath house, and we can still thank Bott and Griggsby for the many 
good feeds we had there at noons. We would pass the hat and collect a mess fund, 
Bott would head for Raulecourt, and always come back with something good to eat. 
We might have had something to drink, also, had it not been that our francs were 
always low. 

By June 10th it was warm and the hundreds of different kinds of bugs in the 
woods made us very uncomfortable. The mosquitoes were as large as bumble bees 
and they worried the four horses on our road grader until it was hard to get any 
work out of them. 

On June 16th the Germans shot down two balloons at Raungeval. They had been 
bombarding the small towns in the vicinity, such as Boucq, Menil-la-Tour, Gerard-Sas, 
Mandres and Beaumont. On the 21st Co. D, 23rd Engineers, was detailed to Co. C, 
and the Raulecourt force was increased by about 25 D Company men. On the 22nd 
they were taken away again. 

About the 23rd of June all of the Telford was laid and it was decided to con- 
tinue the top course of surfacing into Raulecourt, a distance of about 7 kilometers. As 
we had two gas rollers on the job for a week the distance was covered in good time 
although Pvt. C. V. Reed can tell something of the troubles he had in furnishing 
Cpl. Gillespie with all of the water he needed. 

Our rollers got off the macadam occasionally and mired to the hubs in clay. 
Lieut. Butler never said much but the Captain on one occasion felt sure that we had 
lost one, and even mentioned what it cost to put one in France. Anyway we generally 
solved the problem with the old reliable Mack trucks. With a few tons of ballast in 
one of them something had to move and it was always the roller. Likewise our 
narrow gauge cars would leave the rails when least expected. It was only a short 
time before the boys became experts in putting them back on. This trouble was mostly 
due to the worn out condition of the cars. 

The surfacing into Raulecourt completed, we resurfaced the old road from our 
first point of construction back to within about 8 kilometers of "Lights Out." 

Late in June a Company of French artillery moved in and began trying out their 
guns. The C. O. had much to say in praise of the U. S. soldiers. 

The road was completed about the middle of July. 

Front Line Storage Dumps 

On August 26, 1918, details were placed in charge of storage dumps where road 
materials for the impending St. Mihiel drive, were to be assembled at the front, avail- 
able for use should the roads become damaged by shell fire. At the front gasoline 
motors were used to haul the narrow gauge trains, due to the silence with which they 
could be operated. Farther back steam engines were used. The railroad was operated 
by the 21st Engineers and formed a link between the broad gauge line and the front. 

The greater part of the material came up by rail, altho the trucks of Motor 
Truck Co. No. 2 which was attached to our company were also used to some extent. 

Detachments of labor troops (colored) were with us to unload cars and store 
the material. Each detachment consisted of about 50 troops and was in charge of a 



46 



C Company j Our Book 



sergeant of the same regiment. Orders were given to the sergeant in charge and it 
was his duty to see that they were carried out by his men. 

On account of the fact that we were under hostile airplane and balloon observa- 
tion during the daytime all material had to come in by night. Cars would begin to 
come in just after dark and were shunted to the spur track to be unloaded. Often as 
many as 50 carloads were handled at a single dump in a night. Most of the material 
was rock and gravel tho there were also quantities of bridge material, facings and many 
tools of various kinds. All material had to be checked, car numbers noted, and a record 
kept of all material received and sent out. Doing this on a dark and rainy night, and 
it usually was rainy, was part of the task we had to perform. No lights were allowed 
for the front line trenches were visible and it was necessary to keep our movements 
as secret as possible. Trucks and trains moved silently thru the night with no lights to 
show their presence. At the end of each night's work all material was camouflaged by 
covering it with brush. 

There was no lack of excitement for troops were constantly going forward at 
night. All thru the night a steady stream of infantry was passing. Also batteries were 
moving forward, signal corps troops were laying telephone lines and long lines of 
supply trains would rumble past. And it all moved with a smoothness and precision 
one would hardly think possible. 

At the Mandres storage dump our men were located at a little distance from 
where the service troops were billeted. The corporal and one or two helpers slept there 
alone. On the evening of Sept. 11, from all indications, it seemed that the drive was 
due to start the next morning. We warned all the colored troops not to be alarmed at 
a sudden bombardment that night as it would be from our own guns. But no one thought 
to warn the cook. Consequently he thought it was the Germans coming when the 
barrage started full force at 1 a. m. Our dugout was the nearest place so he made for 
that and stayed there the rest of the night. We could not convince him that our guns 
were doing the shooting nor would he go back to his bunk, altho he would have been as 
safe there as with us even if the Germans had been coming. 



\ 




The St. Mikiel Dri\)e 



It would hardly be fair to say that the St. Mihiel Drive was won by C Company, 
but we believe it is no exaggeration to say that the work which we did on the roads 
during the long, weary weeks of 1918 was one of the chief factors in the success of the 
first "American" drive in the Great War. 

Much of the terrain back of "our" front lines was flat and low. Each rain turned 
the clay soil to the most treacherous kind of mud, that seemed to go "all the way down." 
To build a road here that would carry our heavy trucks and guns, even for one drive, 
it was necessary to lay a foundation that would support a road under ordinary condi- 
tions for many years. We were told by the French that "it couldn't be did" — but we 
did it — just as many other impossible things were done by the Americans in France. 

When we took over the Route de 1'Etoille it was almost impassable for anything 
on wheels. We made of it a two-way road second to none. The Raulecourt cut-off 
required the same thorough reconstruction and many of the other roads, besides being 
widened, came in for heavy repairs. The work done at the rail-heads and "dumps" 
was also of vital importance. 

The traffijc that crowded these roads for a few days is almost beyond belief, and 
can be appreciated only by those who witnessed it. The grinding, patient labor of 
months under shell fire and the most trying conditions was paid for in the few short 
hours of intense effort during the drive. Our roads carried to the front every con- 
ceivable thing that a large army in action can use : tanks and trucks ; men and mules ; 
guns and limousines ; canned Willie and hay ; gas masks and bullets. The return tide 
brought loaded ambulances and empty trucks and prisoners with their guards. In and 
out in seemingly impossible "jams" darted the dispatch riders. We could not witness 
this without a pardonable thrill of pride that we had made it possible. 

After the drive, however, so far had "the line" moved forward, the greater part 
of the traffic went by the main highways, and our roads fell into comparative disuse. 
We played a very minor part behind the lines in the Meuse-Argonne, our further 
efforts being directed largely toward preparing for the proposed drive on Metz which 
was halted by the Armistice. 

So the St. Mihiel Drive stands out as the climax of our war experience. Without 
knowing it we had been laboring, from the time we reached the front in February, 
toward this one definite end. 

Having "paved the way" we went forward over our own pavements, with the 
First Army, to do our part in the actual work of capping the climax. Our part in the 
drive was to keep the roads open and keep traffic moving — which meant that the roads 
across No Man's Land must be put in shape to allow the first rush to get across on the 
heels of the Infantry, and that they must be practically rebuilt while the traffic was 
passing. To handle this little job our front was divided into three zones, and the 
Company was spread out along the whole front. Lieutenant Butler, at that time in 
command of C Company, in submitting copies of orders, etc., for this history writes 
as follows: 

"I am sending you copies of records the originals of which I have kept as souvenirs. 
"One is a copy of the orders that were issued to me by Major Stickney about eight 



47 



48 



C Company, Our Book 



o'clock on the night of the drive. As soon as I returned to camp I divided the company 
into the three parts called for, and started out the two 'details' that had to go to zones 
1 and 3. Just what happened to them that night and the next day is about the most 
interesting part of their experiences. 

"The 'detail' to zone 1 was in charge of Sgt. Haviland and they had only a short 
distance to go to Camp Fitz Patrick — and walked — arriving there between 11 and 12 
o'clock. The 'detail' to zone 3 was in charge of Sgt. Sterl and I sent them in the 
truck as they had to go to Ansauville. They were on the road when the barrage opened 
and Sgt. Sterl gave me a very humorous account of the things the men said and did. I 
say humorous because it seemed humorous after it was all over, but at the time it was 
serious enough to all of them. They received very scant treatment at the hands of 
Captain Davis — had no place to stay, and most of them lost their packs next day. 

"The 'detail' that I kept with myself was in charge of Sgt. Jones and Sgt. Clifton. 
Sgt. Walkotte was out on the road by himself the night of the drive and gave valuable 
service to the troops in directing them as to roads. 

"Enclosed also is a copy of the narrative report called for in the last paragraph of 
the orders. This was written by Oppenheimer. This report was never called for by 
Major Stickney and this is the first use I have had for it. It covers in a general way 
everything that happened after the first night. I will be glad if you can use it, or at 
least let Oppenheimer know that his efforts have helped in another way if not for the 
original purpose. However, I never told him that the report was never called for. 

"As you probably know, the men were rather disgusted with their experiences 
with the labor troops and their officers, as it was a plan that sounded all right in theory 
but would not work in practice. It caused considerable trouble for me, too." 

The orders mentioned are as follows: 

OFFICE OF CHIEF ENGINEER, FIRST ARMY 
DEPT. LIGHT RAILWAYS AND ROADS 
FOURTH CORPS AREA 

11 September, 1918. 

Memorandum: No. E-67 

The following organization will be conformed to until further notice by the road troops in 
this area: 

1. The Fourth Corps Area is divided into three zones numbered consecutively from west to 
east — No. 1, No. 2 and No. 3. The center lines of these zones are, respectively, the Raulecourt- 
Broussey-Bouconville Road, the De l'Etoille Road, and the Menil-la-Tour-Flirey Road. The extent 
of these zones is shown on the plan attached hereto. 

2. Personnel assigned to zones will be under the command and the work done therein under 
the direction of the following named officers: 

Zone No. 1: Captain W. D. Peaslee, Co. "A," 537th Engineers. 

Zone No. 2: 1st Lieutenant J. Vernon Butler, Co. "C," 23rd Engineers. 

Zone No. 3: Captain P. B. Davis, Co. "C," 524th Engineers. 
The following named officers are assigned to duty under Captain Peaslee: 

Lieutenants Waters, Normile, Meyers, and Lee. 
The following named officers are assigned to duty under Lieutenant Butler: 

Captain Carden, and Lieutenants Murphy, Garforth, Linburg and Taylor. 
The following named officers are assigned to duty under Captain Davis: 

Lieutenants Painter, Devereaux, Nelson and Nash. 





25295 and 25255— V . S. Official. 

Upper View — Heudecourt and a Portion of the St. Mihiel Salient. Nonsard in the Distance and 
Pannes on the other side. The Road to the Right Leads into Creue. 

Lower View — No-man's Land for Nearly Four Years. Reclaimed by the Americans for the 
French on September 12, 1918. Montsec in the Distance, by the Germans and French 
Thought Impregnable. Xivray-Marvoisin in the Middle Distance and our 
Trenches in the Foreground. Sept. 17, 1918. 



The St. Mihiel Drive 



49 



3. Sanitation in Zone No. 1 will be under the direction of Lieutenant Rossman. Sanitation 
in Zone No. 2 will be under the direction of Lieutenant Stockton. Sanitation in Zone No. 3 will 
be under the direction of Captain Banks. These specific duties are in addition to the functions 
exercised by Lieutenant Stockton and Captain Banks as Battalion Surgeons. 

4. General supervision over all operations in these zones will be exercised by the Corps 
Roads Officer, with the assistance of Major R. E. Childs, who is temporarily designated as 
Assistant Corps Roads Officer. 

5. Personnel is assigned to the zones as follows: 
Zone No. 1 : 

Detachment Co. "C," 23rd Engineers; 
Detachment Engineer Truck Co. 2, 23rd Engineers; 
Detachment Engineer Wagon Co. 1, 23rd Engineers; 
Company "C," 508th Engineers; and 
Detachment Company "A," 5 37th Engineers. 

Zone No. 2: 

Detachment Company "C," 23rd Engineers; 
Detachment Engineer Truck Co. 2, 23rd Engineers; and 
Detachment Engineer Wagon Co. 1, 23rd Engineers; 
Company "A," 524th Engineers; and 
Company "B," 524th Engineers. 

Zone No. 3: 

Detachment Company "C," 23rd Engineers; 
Detachment Engineer Truck Co. 2, 23rd Engineers; 
Detachment Engineer Wagon Co. 1, 23rd Engineers; 
Company "C," 524th Engineers; 
Company "D," 524th Engineers. 

The Battalion Surgeon of the 23rd Engineers and the 524th Engineers and the Veterinary 
Surgeon of the 23rd Engineers will make as nearly an equal distribution of the sanitary 
and veterinary enlisted personnel attached to their commands, among the zones, as is 
possible. 

6. The following transportation is assigned to each zone : 

6 trucks; 
6 teams; 

1 solo motorcycle; 

1 sidecar; 

2 saddle horses; 

The following transportation is assigned to the Corps Roads Officer and his deputy: 
5 saddle horses; 

3 sidecars; 

4 solo motorcycles. 

The following transportation is assigned to the Corps Roads Transportation Officer: 
2 side cars; 
2 solo motorcycles. 

7. The following points of command are established until further notice is given: 

Corps Roads Officer — Camp LaReine. 

Hdqrs., Zone No. 1 — Camp Patrick (508th Engineers.) 

Hdqrs., Zone No. 2— Camp Central Park (Co. "C," 23rd Engineers.) 

Hdqrs., Zone No. 3 — Camp Ansauville (Co. "D," 524th Engineers.) 

8. Upon the arrival of the personnel assigned to each zone, the officer in command thereof 
will designate one officer or non-commissioned officer as in charge of transportation, and one 
officer or non-commissioned officer as in charge of supplies. The officers or non-commissioned 



50 



C Company, Our Book 



officers so designated will immediately establish liaison with the Corps Roads Transportation 
and Supply Officers respectively. 

Zone Commanders will also assign the necessary personnel for duty as couriers, for 

the purpose: 

FIRST: Of maintaining liaison between the zone and these Headquarters; 
SECOND: Of maintaining liaison between all parts of the zone. 

9. The Corps Roads Transportation Officer, in addition to his other duties, will be re- 
sponsible for the unloading of all road material coming in by rail. To enable him to perform 
these functions, Master Engineer, junior grade, Raymond T. Bevan will report to him for duty. 
Personnel for unloading such material will be supplied to the extent of not to exceed 75 men 
from the personnel assigned to Zone No. 2 and of not to exceed 25 men from the personnel assigned 
to Zone No. 1. If additional personnel is required for unloading, application will be made direct 
to the Corps Roads Officer. To permit of the promp unloading of such materials the Corps Roads 
Transportation Officer will establish and maintain the necessary liaison with the Soixante system. 
He will also designate from time to time, as may be necessary, the storage points from which road 
materials will be supplied to the zones. 

10. In addition to his duties as Commanding Officer of Engineer Wagon Company No. 1, 
23rd Engineers, 1st Lieutenant Charles E. K. Fraser will report to the Corps Roads Officer for 
such duties as he may be directed to perform. 

11. Second Lieutenant S. B. Moore, Supply Officer, 524th Engineers, will report to the Corps 
Roads Supply Officer for duty as Assistant Corps Roads Supply Officer. 

12. Organization Commanders will immediately take such steps as may be necessary to con- 
form the stations of their officers and troops to the above outlined plans. The Corps Roads Trans- 
portation Officer will take immediate steps to distribute transportation in accordance with the 
above plans. 

13. It shall be the duty of Zone Commanders to keep the roads within their zones open to 
traffic and they will be responsible for the necessary patroling of the roads, and distribution of 
troops, tools, equipment, and materials to effectuate this. 

14. No work in addition to such as may be necessary to keep the roads within the zones in 
such state as will enable traffic to move over them will be undertaken without the approval of the 
Corps Roads Officer. 

15. In addition to the prescribed work reports, Zone Commanders will prepare themselves 
to submit a narrative report of their operations and of the operations, discipline and behavior of 
the troops under their command. 

DISTRIBUTION: 

Army Roads Officer. 

Engineer, 4th Corps. 

Div. Engrs., 1st, 42nd and 89th Divns. 

Each Zone Commander (3.) 

Company "C," 23rd Engineers. 

Truck No. 2, 23rd Engineers. 

Wagon No. 2, 23 rd Engineers. 

Sanitary Dept. 23rd Engineers. 

C. O. 524th Engineers. 

C. O. 508th Engineers, Co. "C." 

C. O. Company "A," 537th Engineers. 

Transportation Officer. 

Supply Officer. 



H. H. Stickney, Jr., 
Major, Corps of Engrs., 
Corps Roads Officer. 



The St. Mihiel Drive 



51 



NARRATIVE REPORT 

Company "C," 23rd Engineers, 
Central Park, American E. F., 
12th September, 1918. 

At eight thirty last night, an order came to the Company to split it into three organizations, 
each to maintain a given zone of roads with the aid of negro service outfits. The night was 
black and rain poured down in torrents, but not a man whimpered when his name was called to 
roll his pack and leave the meager comforts of Central Park for an unknown destination. Good 
order prevailed and the men were soon loaded onto trucks and under way. 

The big drive started at 1 o'clock a. m. with deafening outbursts of "peace talk" from the 
big guns that paved the way for the advance. The Hun artillery made only a feeble reply. When 
the wedge of tanks and fighting men started over the top at 5 :30 a. m., a solid line of vehicles and 
guns covered the road from the rear to Beaumont, along the De l'Etoille, the traffic moving in a 
solid column practically without interruption and continuing so throughout the day. 

Our Officers and men were on the job bright and early. The labor troops were apportioned 
among the men and soon became part of a smoothly running organization, working courageously 
and eagerly with apparent disregard for the ear-splitting discharges of the heavy artillery along 
the roadside. 

The road held up exceptionally well under the conditions, altho the heavy rains of the past 
week, the intermittent showers of the day, and the heavy traffic, made immediate attention urgent. 
The roads were untouched by shell-fire. A maintenance patrol extended from Etang Neuf to 
Beaumont on the De l'Etoille and from the De l'Etoille to Gerard-Sas, Leon Val, Longeval and 
Raulecourt. Shoulders were rebuilt, turns repaired, trucks and overturned wagons pulled out of 
the ditches, dead horses buried and traffic kept moving. Near Mandres a ration road was made 
passable by the use of blockage and crushed rock, the work being performed while the road was 
under traffic. 

The first day of the drive closed with all roads in the zone clear and traffic moving sys- 
tematically, delays conspicuous by their absence. 

Company "C," 23rd Engineers, 
Central Park, American E. F., 
13th September, 1918. 

Fair weather today was favorable to effective work, with a steady wind to aid in drying up 
the roads. The organization was distributed over a zone of roads in advance of where yesterday's 
work was done. Traffic diminished to a negligible degree over the De l'Etoille to the rear of 
"Lights Out," while from Mandres to the front, it continued as a solid mass. Our work was 
mostly between Mandres and Beaumont, Beaumont and Flirey, and in the towns of Mandres, 
Beaumont, Rambucourt, and Flirey. In advance of Mandres in the towns named, no road im- 
provement had been undertaken for a long period, so the work consisted of making the poor roads 
passable by filling old shell holes and ruts with the material available in the immediate vicinity, 
such as debris from old stone buildings and loose rock in the fields. No permanent improvement 
was possible, because of the inability to get material through from the rear. However, the men 
worked exceptionally well with the limited facilities, and marked improvement was noticeable at 
the end of the day. 

Company "C," 23rd Engineers, 
Central Park, American E. F., 
Saturday, 14th Sept., 1918. 
Last night Sergeant Walkotte's detail worked on an impassable stretch of road over the old 
German trenches near Richecourt, on the Xivray-Richecourt road, building temporary bridges over 
the caved in places, using old rails, planking and sand-bags. The road was soon made passable 
and traffic allowed to continue. Sergeant Walkotte's men had worked all day on another detail. 
However, all were ready to continue their labor on thru the night until they were relieved by 
Sergeant Clifton's men this morning. The latter detail continued the work at Richecourt today 
by widening the road at the bad places and filling in the many small shell holes. 



52 



C Company, Our Book 



On the Flirey-Essey road, Sergeant Orr's men were called out last night when the heavy 
traffic collapsed the temporary bridges over the larger shell holes in the road, about three kilo- 
meters from Essey. The men labored faithfully all night re-building the spans and keeping the 
demolished road open by the use of rock, brush and debris. They continued their work today by 
working in shifts. 

Sergeant Jones' men are unloading reserve material at the various dumps at Hill Top, Raule- 
court, Mandres and LaReine. 

The willingness with which the men have been working long hours with a minimum of sleep 
since the drive started, is worthy of mention when it is realized that they have lived on short 
rations, due to the heavy traffic from the rear hindering the prompt forwarding of food supplies. 

Company "C," 23rd Engineers, 
Central Park, American E. F., 
Sunday, 15th Sept., 1918. 
The Richecourt and Flirey details continued their work through last night and today without 
stopping, except for food and sleep. One shift is on the roads all of the time. 

At Richecourt the road over the trenches is being widened, ditches are being built, and an 
old culvert is being cleaned out and made serviceable again. Trucks are hauling rock from the 
ruins of the town. 

Near the Essey end of the Flirey-Essey route, the one-way bridging over the old trenches was 
removed and the opening built up with blockage to a full width road. Shoulders and ditches are 
also being improved. 

On the Seicheprey road, Sergeant DeMars' detail is working on general repairing, principally 
filling old shell holes and ruts. 

Other details under Sergeant Jones are working at the various rock dumps and on general 
maintenance along the De PEtoille road. 

Rapid progress is being made on all of the reconstruction work. 

Company "C," 23rd Engineers, 
Central Park, American E. F., 
Monday, 16th Sept., 1918. 
The work is being continued today at the places referred to in the log of yesterday at an un- 
slackening pace. 

Company "C," 23rd Engineers, 
Central Park, American E. F., 
Tuesday, 17th Sept., 1918. 

The work of the organization is now principally that of continuing the repair and main- 
tenance of roads in the zone. Shell holes are filled, trenches filled in, surface mud removed, bad 
stretches widened, dead horses buried. Shelled buildings in the towns are pulled down by rope 
and tractor. This material, in addition to the supply from the rock dumps, is used on the roads. 
The routes now maintained are the De PEtoille thru Central Park-Mandres-Beaumont, the Bou- 
conville-Rambucourt-Beaumont-Flirey road, the Flirey-Essey road, the Beaumont-Seicheprey- 
Montsec road, and the Bouconville-Xivray-Richecourt-St. Bassant-Essey road. 

SECOND ZONE DETAIL 

The detail numbered about sixty men. Our orders were to keep the roads open for 
traffic in the immediate neighborhood of Central Park, but more especially the road we 
had practically built to Mandres. We had several tractors and they did splendid 
work. The road which had just been resurfaced was — owing to the heavy rains — very 
slippery, and a little narrow in places for heavy traffic to pass, so that many trucks, 
guns, etc., slipped into the depths of the drainage ditches, and they were there to stay 





25284 and 25282— U. S. Official. 

Upper View — View of Road Constructed in Three Days by the Engineers Through the German 
Trenches. The Stone was Taken From the Old Buildings in Flirey. Through this 
Valley the Germans Retreated 25 Kilometers in 27 Hours. Near 
Flirey, Meurthe et Moselle, France, Sept. 24, 1918. 

Lower View — Trenches at the Top of the Hill near Flirev, from which the Germans were Driven 
on Sept. 12. A Small American Cemetery in Front of the Trenches at the Left. 
Taken Sept. 24, 1918. 



The St. Mihiel Drive 



53 



so far as getting out under their own power was concerned. This is where the tractor 
men of C Company did so much good work ; they were up and down the road where 
ever their services were required, and not a single failure is recorded. 

One of the worst places on the road was between the intersection of the Mandres 
and Sanzey roads, by the little lake above camp, and the narrow gauge track crossing, 
where we had an unloading dock. The traffic here was very heavy, the Sanzey road 
being used by the 1st and 42nd Divisions, and a great many came to grief at these 
turns. 

At Mandres, where we had a detail on the temporary roads to supply stations, we 
saw a great many prisoners brought in as well as some of our own wounded. 

At the foot of the hill going up into Beaumont the road was so slippery that 
trucks were unable to make the grade and traffic was blocked for a mile back. We 
were up against it here to do much good until we got hold of some empty grain sacks 
in which we carried broken tile from the ruins. The tile ground up under the wheels 
of the trucks and gave them a hold that made the hill easy. By this time, however, 
other outfits were also at work on the hill and in the mix-up some of our men went off 
toward Montsec and the front where they doubtless thought they could do more good 
or at least use a little more initiative. 

At 10 o'clock the 6" batteries were still working — one being near the graveyard at 
Mandres and others in the open space just back of the National Highway running 
through Beaumont and Rambucourt. We had a splendid view of the front through 
glasses, from Beaumont — the fighting at that time going on at the points we after- 
wards worked. No very close check could be kept of the detail this first day but that 
they were all "busy" is evidenced by the fact that the next day we had some very com- 
petent guides to head small exploring parties to the old German positions. We be- 
wailed the fact that we lacked trucks to haul the very rich booty that could be found. 
Central Park would have had to be enlarged if we had had transportation for all we 
found. i 

There was more or less confusion, conflicting orders, etc., due to so many units 
doing the same work. But we had less trouble in this way than the other details. 

THIRD ZONE DETAIL 

It was raining as our detail of 45 or 50 men met at the kitchen and walked, slip- 
ping and sliding, under heavy packs, to the cross-roads where three Macks were await- 
ing us. After we were all aboard and ready to start it was discovered that we were 
headed in the wrong direction. Our route was to follow the road past Battalion Head- 
quarters to the Cornieville road, thence to Boucq, Sanzey, Menil-la-Tour, past Roy- 
aumeix to Camp Ansauville, a short distance from the village of Ansauville. Our 
trucks were headed toward Mandres and had to be turned. It is easy to turn a five 
ton truck in a ten acre lot in the day time, but on a slippery road crowded with traffic 
on a dark rainy night, and no lights allowed, it took nearly an hour of jockeying to 
turn the three trucks. We finally started in the right direction and were on our way to 
somewhere in France. 

Our troubles were not all behind us, however. We had a slow, hard drive against 
the almost overwhelming tide being rushed to the front. It had been arranged that the 



54 



C Company, Our Book 



leading truck should stop at each cross-roads for the others to come up, thus avoiding 
the danger of becoming separated in the dark. We were continually running into the 
most complicated traffic snarls, and had hardly advanced a hundred yards when all 
three trucks had skidded into the ditch and contributed their bit toward a jam. Across 
the road the northward bound stream was in the same kind of trouble. One poor fel- 
low had been caught by a side-slipping ammunition wagon and his life crushed out. We 
stood here in the rain for another hour till a tractor, called out from camp, made its 
way slowly to each truck and pulled it out. 

At twelve o'clock, the time we were supposed to be safely in dug-outs at our des- 
tination, we were barely a mile from camp. We had just nicely cleared the worst of 
the jam at one o'clock when we heard the roar of a "Heavy" in the direction of Mont- 
sec. A fraction of a second later began the barrage that must have made the ghost of 
Sherman blush for having presumed to describe war! As we passed along the higher 
levels on the Boucq-Sanzey road we had a panoramic view of the flashes from the guns 
as far as the eye could reach to the east and west. It was a sight never to be forgotten. 

At Boucq, in spite of the precautions taken, the trucks became separated and met 
again only by good luck near Royaumeix. Here we picked up a guide who took us 
straight into the roaring flame, which we had been watching, to our destination, in the 
thick of the American Artillery, which we reached at four o'clock in the morning. We 
were nicely settled here for a little much needed sleep when a "Heavy," a few feet 
away, let go with a shock that nearly rolled us out of our bunks ! 

At six o'clock the back wash from the on-rushing tide up ahead began to reach us. 
Prisoners and American wounded, both alike apparently happy, told us of the success 
of the first rush. The Hun was on the run. Welfare workers along the road were 
handing out cookies to the wounded. First Aid Stations were beginning to fill up. 
Airplanes were dropping messages of the progress of the fight. 

At 8 :00 a. m. orders came for us to move forward in three details to make neces- 
sary repairs to the roads and keep traffic moving. The next day the whole detail was 
concentrated at Flirey, where C Company of the 524th Engineers had been sent, and 
we began the work of building the road to Essey across No Man's Land. We pulled 
down the skeletons of former dwellings in the village to fill in the twelve lines of Ger- 
man trenches and the many shell holes that obstructed the road. While the work was 
going on trucks and wagons and guns had to be pushed and hauled through, somehow. 
We had little time for our raw bacon or for sleep until the fourteenth, when we 
began to work in six hour shifts and had time to put up pup tents, which were in any- 
thing but military style. Front porches of elephant iron and portcocheres of railroad 
ties were among the novelties. A shave tail of the 303rd Engineers objected to these 
as not in the regulations, but we overruled him. 

We ate of and at the mess of the colored troops we were working and, in fact, 
appeared to be considered in every way just as good as they. 

The enemy gave us lots to think about but really did little damage. One night a 
plane was spotted by the search lights directly over head, but the only bomb dropped 
just missed the town and fell near some horses which were frightened into the picket 
line of our Wagon Company where they were promptly tied up and became the prop- 
erty of the 23rd Engineers. 



25254 and 48-546— U. S. Official. 

Upper View — Establishing Red Cross Headquarters in Flirev, Sept. 17, 1918. Kreighbaum 
and Hall Ready in Line. Hall Wearing the Company Puttees. 

Lower View — Engineer Camp Near Flirey, Meurthe et Moselle, France, January 14, 1919. 
Kindly Left for Our Use by the Germans. 



The St. Mihiel Drive 



55 



There was a lot of confusion, due to conflicting orders, mostly from those least 
competent to give them. No one seemed to like us any too well ; we saw no WEL- 
COME sign on the door mat, and were glad to return to Central Park one week from 
the day we left. 

The following letter was written in "No Man's Land" near Flirey by Ray Ardis 
and is printed with his permission. 

France, A. E. F., September 18, 1918. 

I came near heading this "Somewhere in Germany," but any land we win now is France 
anyhow. I am now sitting out on the edge of a shell hole on what was No Man's Land several days 
ago. I am a little ahead of my story so I will start back a few days and bring you along with me. 

I know you have read about the American drive and I am glad to say that we were not very 
far in back of the Infantry when it started. Our company was spread out along the whole front 
between the Infantry and the Artillery to keep the roads in good shape for the movement of men, 
guns and ammunition. We were just overjoyed when we had the opportunity to be so close to the 
front. I never saw such a wonderful sight in my life as when our artillery opened up with a 
terrific barrage at midnight. The sky was livid with gun flashes, rocket signals and star shells. 
Words can not describe it. We had left camp sometime before and it was pouring rain. How- 
ever, we did not mind a little thing like that. We were on the go till 4 a. m. the next morning 
when we got a chance to snatch a few winks of sleep. The big guns were roaring right by our 
sides but we were so tired that we lay down and were asleep in a few seconds. We got a couple 
hours sleep, then went to work again and have been working night and day since with a few 
hours off. You have no idea how hard and long you can work at a time like this without getting 
tired. That same day we saw hundreds and hundreds of German prisoners coming back over our 
roads and we were certainly thrilled. I stood a long while watching the various expressions on 
their faces and I can honestly say that most of them seemed very happy to be American prisoners. 
The Americans treat their prisoners very well and I think the Germans are slowly but surely 
finding it out. At least several thousand prisoners passed down one road alone. We advanced to 
what was No Man's Land the night before, and in fact had been No Man's Land for four years. 
Here we had a big job to repair the road and were disappointed that we could not keep right on 
in the rear of the Infantry, but the road had to be fixed up for the Artillery. You don't know 
what an important part roads play in a drive. If we hadn't fixed up the road they could never 
have gotten their guns and supplies up to reinforce the Infantry so quickly. This one stretch of 
road was in pretty bad condition, but we have now been working on it for several days and have 
it fixed pretty well. 

We are very anxious to advance some more, as we want to be where the big doings are. The 
doughboys have left us miles behind them. I take my hat off to them. 

The first night we spent on this No Man's Land was one I will never forget. We didn't have 
our packs or blankets with us the first night due to a little misunderstanding, and when night 
came along it got pretty cold and wet. We cuddled up in shell holes with nothing over us but 
the stars. It seemed to be an exceptionally cold night for when we awoke we were cold and 
shivering. Yes, it was pretty uncomfortable, but we were glad to share in these few hardships 
and wouldn't have swapped places with the most comfortably quartered soldiers in France. Fires 
or lights of any kind were out of the question as the Germans are very fond of sending bombing 
planes over at night. 

The next morning I had a few hours off, so I took a trip over this No Man's Land. I wish 
I could find words to describe it to you. I walked out, with a chum behind the old German line 
trenches where the fight had raged two days before. The place was just covered with barbed 
wire and I wondered how our boys ever got thru so quickly. I never thought it could be spread 
around so thickly. The field was all plowed up by shell fire; the holes being so close together 
that you could hardly find your way across between them. The holes were all sizes. There was 
one so big and deep that six or seven hundred horses could have been buried in it with ease. We 
walked down through the muddy trenches and went into many of the dugouts. 



56 



C Company, Our Book 



Some of these dugouts were forty or more feet deep and were fixed very comfortably. 
The Germans had held this line for four years and evidently were prepared to keep it for the 
remainder of the war. Some of their dugouts were palaces as compared with what our boys had. 
In some of the Officers' dugouts we even found such things as electric light, upholstered furniture, 
glass windows, big stoves, regular beds and many other things that were practically unknown in 
our dugouts. We had to be very careful in moving around and in what we handled, for hand 
grenades, shells and explosives of all kinds were scattered around the trenches and dugouts. 
Ludendorf may say that this retreat was planned, but if you could have seen the evidences of 
such a hasty retreat as we saw through the trenches, dugouts, and fields you would know that it 
was a surprise to him. In one of the dugouts which was built of stone and cement, was a com- 
plete machine shop with motors, lathes and many different kinds of machinery. 

I can't begin to tell you all we saw. The thing that impressed me most was when we came 
upon the fallen American boys on the field and in the shell holes and trenches. I can't find words 
to describe this or the thoughts that first passed through my mind when I saw them lying there. 
Such a feeling of hatred and revenge arose in me that I found it difficult to calm my thoughts. 
These were the first fallen Americans I had seen and it impressed me very much. I was thank- 
ful that I knew Life was God — immortal — and that these brave lads were not really dead. 

I stood out on the edge of that field at sunset and looked over it. The little old French 
village of Flirey, nearby, was a picture of ruin and desolation. There wasn't a house which was 
not at least two-thirds knocked down by shells. Even the little church had fallen prey to the 
German shells and was lying in a heap. 

The scene was one which could be felt but not expressed in words. American soldiers were 
camped around in their little pup-tents and I was glad that I could be among them to fight 
against such evils. 

I am living in a pup-tent now right out on that shell-torn field. We have a shell hole for our 
front porch. They are so plentiful that it is hard to find a space big enough between them to 
pitch your tent. Do you know what a pup-tent is? Here is a fair description of one. One pup- 
tent is for two men. You crawl into the thing on your hands and knees and if you want to turn 
around you almost have to come outside again to do it. If it rains real hard you throw your rain- 
coat over the part that leaks the most. Then you lie down to sleep and, believe me, when I tell 
you I slept just as comfortably as I did at home. I dug a little hole for my bones to fit in and 
now everything is lovely. It rained pretty hard last night when I was working, so when I got 
back to my tent I crawled in between the blankets to dry my clothes. 

Our roads were all used in this advance and were the best ones in the whole sector. Now 
we have a labor battalion working for us and we are scattered all around working these details. 

AFTER ST. MIHIEL 

Our work in France was divided into three natural time or event periods. First, 
from February 23rd to September 12th, 1918, when we were paving the way for the 
St. Mihiel Drive; second, from about September 20th to November 11th, when, the 
Drive having been put across, we were preparing the roads and dumps for the drive on 
Metz; third, from November 11th to the great day when we sailed for home — May 
29th, 1919. 

The first period proved to be the most important and is very well covered in pre- 
vious chapters. 

St. Mihiel to the Armistice 

During this period we carried on much the same kind of work, but were able to 
cover a very much greater area by reason of the fact that our service troops had at last 
arrived, and our equipment had been greatly increased. Those of us who were not 



The St. Mihiel Drive 



57 



skilled in operating modern machinery or keeping time and checking up on materials 
(not to mention the mechanics, roofers, blacksmiths, etc., who cooked (?) our "slum") 
were directing the work. In several other respects, conditions had improved, for some 
of us at least. Every "colored boy" is a natural cook and our details very often had 
their own colored cook or ate with the non-coms of the colored troops. Some of the 
details were able to "acquire" provisions in excess of the regular allowance without 
running too close to the guard house. Biscuits and griddle cakes became not unusual 
at breakfast. Frequently steak replaced the army slum. 

We managed to find very comfortable billets in the towns recaptured from the 
Germans, or pitched tents which we floored and fitted up in more or less style, accord- 
ing to the supply of furnishings we could get to ahead of the owner or some other 
fellow in need of them. 

We had our troubles, of course. It still rained, and the work never stopped. 
There was always mud, and we were always in it. Right after the St. Mihiel Drive 
rush work had to be done which meant night details. Shave-tails, and sometimes even 
Captains and Majors of Labor Battalions, thought they out-ranked us Bucks and, 
especially if they had been bartenders, ice men or mail carriers in civil life, tried to 
tell us our business. 

We stood up for our rights, however, by heck, and made quite a reputation for 
being hard boiled. Some of us smoked and carried matches! As an example of our 
little troubles we quote from a report of the detail at Bernecourt, which received 
orders at nine in the morning of November 7th, from the chief engineer of roads of 
the area, to have ramps and roads for unloading "seventy-fives" and "hundred and 
fifty-fives," at four points, completed by four in the morning of the 8th. We decided 
to build the roads without regimental sanction. Oakes and Ellis confidently expected 
to win Croix-de-Guerres but later lost confidence. 

For once, during our sojourn in France, there was an ample supply of blockage, 
good No. 3 trap rock, binder, trucks, teams, rollers, picks, hoes, and American shovels 
on hand, when the job started. These materials were to have been used for finishing 
the railhead road, and there were just sufficient quantities for that purpose. The 
artillery roads as we called them, would just finish them nicely. 

With a distressing similarity of expletives, we commandeered four companies of 
our famous attaches (23rd Engineers, Colored) and began tearing down some of the 
"two room-an-manure-pile" chateaus. Objections from the French arising, we heaved 
another sigh and commenced using our precious blockage. 

With but a short interruption for dinner, we labored through the heat of the day 
and made plans for a night force. At 4 P. M. orders arrived granting us two more 
days in which to complete the job. The "man" were recalled at five o'clock and we 
dined with Company A, 5th Engineers — good fellows but bum cooks. 

Followed, our visit to Germain's for liquor and cigars (beer and Prince Albert). 

Throughout the night we heard machinery "clanking" and decided that cater- 
pillars were pulling guns through the town. Aside from this noise, and the occasional 
awakening to throw a hob-nail at a rat, we slept the sleep of the just. 

On our way to breakfast in the morning we saw, with much surprise, a company 
of white troops and two companies of colored troops, working our roads with our 



58 



C Company, Our Book 



tools and rollers. Inquiry developed that "I" Company — star company of the third 
battalion and home of Ted Walker (am uncertain about Ted's "home" company but 
remember it as "I") had been given charge of roads east of the Bernecourt-Toul road 
and had assumed completion of the railhead and artillery roads. Desirous of winning, 
say a "Sharpshooter's Medal," the doughty manhood of "I" had labored throughout 
the night, on a sixteen hour job with forty-eight hours in which to complete it. 

We asked the "Native Son," (Captain of "I") what the "Big Idea" was, and 
were insulted for our pains. Waiting was the best thing we did — didn't do anything 
else better but, — so we waited. 

Major Watson and the Dancing Master appeared about ten o'clock. We told 
our story and received the hearty thanks of the Major. His interview with the 
"Native Son" terminated as had ours. Major Wirsching arrived, and after airing 
his views, accepted the railhead. We were ordered to roll out and roll up. The day 
ended with our usual visit to Germain's, the Pruitt-Milligan dialogue, and sleep." 

About two o'clock on the morning of November 10th orders were received in 
camp at Creue, and by each detail, to "Roll out and roll up." We were to assemble 
in Nonsard before "sun-up." Those near enough to make it in the time given hiked. 
The more distant details came in trucks. Daylight saw practically the whole Company 
in Nonsard with light packs, road equipment, and big appetites. Truck Co. No. 2 was 
on the job as usual and colored troops by the thousands were camped in and about the 
village. When the gong sounded at 11 on the 11th we were ready to march straight 
into Metz. 

After the Armistice 

While some of us were disappointed to miss the chance to capture Metz, we were 
all glad that the war was over, and we immediately began to plan what we would 
pack in our suitcases and what we would wear on our journey to "The States." We 
did not realize that a thousand transports were not waiting in the harbors of France 
ready, as soon as we could reach them, to take us across ; that, being volunteers, we 
were supposed to hanker after army life, and would be among the last to get back to 
civies ; that, coming from every state and all the possessions, we would have no 
political pull in Washington ; that, having contributed belated but much needed 
money, men and materials to make the winning of the war possible, Uncle Samuel 
would be held accountable for the damage he had done to the French roads; and, 
finally, we did not realize that our Uncle Samuel must make amends to the men he 
had forced into his service, through the draft, by showing them every attention, and 
that there is a vast difference between the gratitude of a grateful government when it 
wants you and when it is through with you. 

Gradually all these things began to dawn on us, and we settled down to build 
roads for tourists, in a very different frame of mind from that of the pre-Armistice 
days. Most of us were in camp at Creue during December, prepared to start for "home 
and mother." This was a sad mistake and mistakes are punishable by hard labor on 
the rock pile. We have a suspicion that we shouted twice for the sins of others to 
once for our own on the rock pile at Vigneulles. After this, if we worked less and 
kicked more, or were lacking in discipline and respect, it is because we felt that we 
were being unfairly treated. And those whom we were supposed to respect were 





32922 and 29896— U. S. Official. 

Upper View — Main Street of Nonsard. Only Town in this Vicinity where Buildings are in 
Good Condition. Nonsard, Meuse, France, Nov. 6, 1918. 

Lower View — View of Main Street in Buxieres, Meuse. Oct. 20, 1918. 



The St. Mihiel Drive 



59 



oftener guilty of sins for which we would have been court-martialed — and in a few 
cases were — and severely punished. 

Early in January details went out again to various locations along the old line 
from Verdun to Pont-a-Mousson. Conditions were much the same as before the 
Armistice. German prisoners as well as colored troops were used, however. We 
had fairly comfortable billets and good "eats." We were more reckless in our 
"salvaging," having less respect for property rights, and a feeling that little was coming 
our way that we did not go after. We spent more time "souveniring" and took less 
interest in our work. 

Finally, we went back to Le Mans, only to find that we must build a road to 
the Rifle Range for others to use — once, and then abandon. The cost of that shooting 
match at Le Mans would go a long way toward building a transport to take us home ! 

However, we managed to get away with a feeling that we had done our full 
share toward winning the war and are ready for another if it doesn't come too soon- 
say in a hundred years. 

UNDER FIRE 

C Company was under fire but once — from February 23, 1918, to November 11, 
1918. Between the former date and September 12th, Company Headquarters was 
continously within the zone of artillery fire in the Foret de la Reine, north of Toul 
and about half way between St. Mihiel and Pont-a-Mousson. From September 12th 
to about the first of November, when camp was moved to Creue, near Vigneulles, 
(where the points of the pincers met in the St. Mihiel Drive) "Headquarters" was 
comparatively safe. But not so the Company, which was out in details repairing 
roads in the territory previously occupied by the Germans, and across "No Man's 
Land." So the opening sentence of this chapter is literally true. 

The second camp occupied in the Foret de la Reine ("Washington Barracks," 
March 31st to April 18th) was frequently under fire and became so unhealthy as to 
make it necessary to move to a new location. The camp at Central Park was never 
fired upon directly. Many shells passed over the camp to Boucq and other towns 
to the south ; German air craft were almost continuously humming overhead and 
their battles with allied planes were frequent ; anti-aircraft shells proved the rule that 
"all that goes up must come down." An observation balloon near camp drew enemy 
planes and shells. The Company was working, the greater part of this time, between 
camp and the front line trenches, under direct observation of Montsec and the German 
observation balloons, where they occasionally drew artillery fire and were often in- 
directly under fire of shells aimed at the batteries stationed near the roads. Between 
the time we moved into camp at Creue and the Armistice, German shells went over us 
at night into the nearby villages, sixty shells being sent into Hattonchatel during the 
night of November 8th. 

But the lucky star of C Company was shining brightly throughout and not a 
man of the Company was killed or even wounded and only two were seriously gassed. 
Even lucky stars must have good support, however, to work their charm to the best 
advantage and C Company developed great cunning and lightning speed at getting 
"from under." 



60 



C Company, Our Book 



Many were the narrow and remarkable escapes — so many and so narrow and 
remarkable were they as to be accounted for only by falling back on our good luck 
for an explanation. That all was taken as a matter of course and part of the day's 
work, goes without saying, and, even during the most tragic events, a sense of humor 
was never lacking. 

Naturally these little events of everyday life made no lasting impression on the 
mind unless they were, in some way, unusual and, being overshadowed by larger events, 
have been forgotten. 



SEICHEPREY 

A handful came to Seicheprey 
When winter woods were bare, 

When ice was in the trenches 
And snow was in the air. 

The foe looked down on Seicheprey 
And laughed to see them there. 

The months crept by at Seicheprey ; 

The growing handful stayed, 
With growling guns at midnight, 

At dawn the lightning raid, 
And learned in Seicheprey trenches, 

How war's red game is played. 

September came to Seicheprey; 

A slow-wrought host arose 
And rolled across the trenches 

And whelmed its sneering foes, 
And left to shattered Seicheprey 

Unending, sweet repose. 

— Joseph Mills Hanson, Capt. F.A. 




1 — Apremont — Spring 1919. 2 — Main Street Through Creue. 3— Enroute from Creue to 
Belgian Camp. 4 — Going on Leave — Commercy. 5 — Camouflaged Road Into Creue. 



Camp Creue 



As the Germans put up so little resistance at the time of the St. Mihiel drive, the 
roads which we had repaired for that were not in bad condition after the drive was 
over. Our work was therefore moved forward to the roads that had been in German 
occupied territory for the four preceding years. These were too far from Central 
Park for that to remain a convenient center and we needed another campsite. Also, 
as the drive on Metz was the next move, it was necessary for us to be close to the 
front. The matter of finding a new camp was simple enough to the most of us. The 
C. O. went out, found a location which was suitable, and moved us up. No one was 
there to receive us, we asked no one if we could move in, no lease was signed and 
there was no rent to pay. 

One rainy morning camp was broken at Central Park. Everything movable was 
gathered together, ready for loading on trucks. And then we waited until about three 
in the afternoon when a truck train from another outfit came for us. An hour after 
starting there was little daylight left and we crawled along in the misty twilight, up 
through what afterwards came to be such familiar territory that we could easily find 
our way, in darkness or daylight. Central Park had been a comfortable camp, as 
camps go, and we had been there long enough to feel that it belonged to us. But the 
ever-present homesickness, which manifested itself in a restless desire for a change, 
made us glad to be leaving it. Any change seemed to bring us one step nearer the 
end of our work in France and we were really only staying in France to be able to 
come home, though our Uncle Sam did not seem to realize it. 

So we left Central Park on a new adventure. We went through Cornieville, over 
the road we had laid, through Gironville and Apremont. Just beyond that we circled 
a shell-hole on a temporary corduroy roadway. We climbed a hill and slid down the 
other side into Varnieville. At Woinville we passed a detachment of troops coming 
back from the line. They tramped doggedly along, their figures, with packs on their 
backs, barely outlined in the gray dark, and no one of them making any other sound than 
the grit of his hob-nails on the gravel of the road or the splash in the mud. Up 
through Buxerulles, Buxieres and Heudecourt and almost to Vigneulles we went and 
then turned sharply to the left and doubled into the village of Creue along two or 
three kilometers of the wierdest camouflaged road any of us had ever seen. Into Creue 
we came, crossed the little bridge to the right, passed the village wash pool and the 
drinking fountain and came out into a horseshoe shaped valley with buildings in it left 
by the Germans. It was so dark by seven o'clock at that time of year — Nov. 7th — that 
nothing was visible at more than arms length and lights were not allowed. We could 
tell little enough of this new camp except that mud on a hillside is slippery ; and it was 
well none of us knew that night we were to spend five months there. 

By daylight we found a dirty old kitchen and mess hall, stables and barracks. The 
German officers had built for themselves two comfortable bungalows on one slope of 
the hill in a clump of trees, which also sheltered a shrine to some saint, the kind one 
finds along any roadside of France. The cleanliness and efficiency of the Germans was 
lacking in this camp. The kitchen in particular was very dirty. Some of the dirt may 
have been left by an artillery unit of the A. E. F. which spent a few weeks there just 

61 



62 



C Company, Our Book 



preceding us but the most of it unquestionably had accumulated during the German 
occupancy. 

As most of C Company was distributed about the surrounding country, living in 
the neighboring villages and working on roads at this time, the buildings we found 
in camp were sufficient for our needs until almost Christmas. Among the first im- 
provements, however, were a new kitchen and mess hall. The old stables were 
eventually pulled down, the buildings in use were repaired and added to, a road was 
built into camp from the hard road which passed the mouth of the valley and went on 
up the hill to the ridge back of us, gravel was put on the paths and we were very com- 
fortable, though we did not appreciate how comfortable until we later left and spent 
some time in the forwarding camps. That, however, being a failing not confined to the 
A. E. F. we offer no apologies. 

The old stable which was used as a Y canteen at first proved too airy for winter 
weather so the old Y tent, that we had originally adopted and used at Central Park 
was moved and put up again on Thanksgiving day. The piano was installed, a brick 
stove was built and it was ready for use. Our Thanksgiving dinner was the first meal 
eaten in the new mess hall. The dinner was bought mostly in the market at Nancy 
and was a credit to those responsible for it. Our mess hall, with a platform at one end, 
came to serve as a theater also, and with two spot-lights it offered a welcome to visiting 
players. After the first of the year, between the Army and the Y we had a number of 
entertainments. The hall was always filled, with Oaks in his reserved seat and McGee 
to lead the parting cheer. 

Our business interests were cared for in the west end of the camp. Here were the 
quarters of the motor drivers — a lean-to against the blacksmith shop — the latter the 
headquarters for souvenir makers. The supply house was here also, where new cloth- 
ing was given out — if you could first find the supply sergeant and then persuade him 
that you needed what you wanted. Across the road stood the professional offices, the 
"medic" having one small room and the tailor, the shoemaker and the barber in the 
larger room on the other side of the partition. This last shop is deserving of special 
notice as it was also the headquarters for collecting rumors. Through the winter these 
were gathered, in camp or outside, any place they could be found. The Y was one of 
the best places to look for them. A rumor of any value was reported to this shop and 
prepared for distribution. When there were any on hand a bell was attached above the 
door so that those entering could tell there was news to be had. 

The main barracks were in one long row with the offices in the end nearest the 
officers' quarters and the photograph shop in the other. Some of the sergeants were 
billeted here and the rest in the German officers' "chateau." The men who were first 
in camp found billets in the barracks and continued to use the names and numbers that 
the Germans had left over the doors. 

The officers' quarters were nearer the entrance to the camp. These had to be re- 
paired and added to as the number in camp increased. Later an officers' mess hall was 
built near them. 

The bath-house was down near the stream that ran through the camp. A few 
men found quarters there. We were particularly fortunate in our water supply. 
Spring water piped from the north hillside by the Germans was soft for washing pur- 
poses. And the drinking water brought from the town fountain did not need to be 



Camp Creue 



03 



clorinated. This was brought up in tanks, McGee having to miss inspection every Sat- 
urday afternoon to fill the tank for the Y. 

At Christmas time when all of the Company was assembled in camp there were 
not enough billets and a lower terrace was leveled in front of the barracks and tents 
put up. As the men came in or went out again through the winter these tents were set 
up and taken down over night. They appeared with the suddenness of mushrooms 
and were gone again just when we had grown accustomed to them. The officers used 
one for a mess at first and Miss Arnault and Mrs. Burd used another for billets until 
it leaked so badly they had a house built on the path which led from the barracks to the 
Y tent. 

A small barrack was put up west of the tent row by seven of the men who came 
into camp late and found no adequate quarters. This "chateau" came to have all of 
the comforts of home, as most of the billets did. With a stove, easy chairs, mirrors and 
a door bell it is not surprising that one member of the happy family should begin each 
day by sitting on the edge of his bunk and singing 

The joys of yesterday are gone, 

They vanish like a dream, 
As through our lives we hasten on 

As flows a rushing stream. 
So stretch no eager hand to clasp 

The joys of yesterday; 
But turn to those within your grasp 

And enjoy yourself today. 

The last building erected was an office for the map maker and here Dinty made 
our section map. With the hillside slope it was easy to have a well drained camp and 
when the walks were leveled so we could stand upright it was comfortable. In the 
spring our P. W.s began to appear and they eventually filled in and cleaned the camp, 
laid out the ball diamond on top of the north hill and made a tennis court which they 
finished the day before we left. Electric lights were installed in parts of the camp late 
in the winter to take the place of candles. 

The steep hills on all sides but one protected us from storms and gave us much 
exercise. Eventually all this country was thoroughly cleaned up and all wire, camou- 
flage, etc., was salvaged by the 28th Division men in the territory but when we first 
went in there was much of interest left by the Germans. In the woods over the hill to 
the north was an old stable and half way down to camp was a wooden chapel that they 
had evidently built and used. Back of us to the west were two gun emplacements and 
the ammunition still lay in piles. These guns were the ones fired for the few nights 
after we moved in and before the armistice and to which the Germans sometimes sent 
replies. Vigneulles, where the Americans closed in from both sides and captured their 
German prisoners in the St. Mihiel drive was ten minutes walk to the northeast. His- 
toric Hattonchatel was half an hour walk back over the ridge and to the north, where 
the whole surrounding valley could be seen on a clear day and even the towers of Metz. 
Heudecourt was near and Chaillon, where one old French woman remained of all the 
inhabitants. Over the hills to the southwest and in another beautiful valley was 
Chateau Etange which had been used as a German prison camp and before that as 



64 



C Company, Our Book 



living quarters for the Germans, from all indications of the refuse left. But before all 
this had happened to it and it had been shelled and burned, it must have been a beautiful 
country home, with its private chapel and its terrace facing the hill, its vaulted ceilings 
and wonderful old dark oak hood over the kitchen fireplace. The valley surrounding 
belonged to it, for there were the stables, the farm house, the mill and its mill race and 
grounds that must have been used for polo or steeplechase. Just over the hill was an 
old German watch tower that overlooked the country for miles in all directions. Graves 
of German officers, with pretentious stones were found in several places outside the 
cemeteries and at Vieville-sous-les-cotes was a vault where a general had been buried 
and afterwards dynamited by the French when they came back. 

Our own village of Creue was the typical small village in that devastated country, 
with its crooked streets, public square, wash-house over the stream, and its church spire 
topping the hillside. Almost every house had been damaged. Some of them could 
still be lived in and about seventy-five of the inhabitants who had remained through the 
invasion were there when we came. They gave us scant welcome at first as the 
Germans had told them we would not be kind to them. The old women were the first 
to make friends, coming through our camp on their way up the hillside for wood, which 
they carried down in baskets on their backs. These old women did more than they will 
ever realize to strengthen the bonds of international friendship, by their favors both 
conferred and accepted. The children were shy but soon grew friendly. Even the 
little old man who lived alone and came to our garbage cans for food finally smiled 
upon us. Before the winter was over most of the village was clothed in army shoes, 
army shirts and knitted sweaters. 

We had other neighbors than the French. An artillery battalion camped in our 
valley for a week after the armistice and lived in their pup tents in the old orchard and 
cut down two trees that we afterwards were sent a bill for. They built the first camp 
fires that anyone had seen in the advanced area since the war began. We all enjoyed 
and took part in the general display of fireworks that lasted for several nights after the 
armistice. Star shells floated over the hills each night, in spite of orders to the contrary. 
Some of the 28th Division were down in the village and spread out over the hills until 
late in January. As they moved out the colored troops moved in and some of them 
were still there when we left. We used some of them on the road work and some Ger- 
man prisoners. 

From this camp some of the men went on the morning of the 10th of Nov. to 
meet the rest of the Company at Nonsard, ready for what emergency called if the Ger- 
mans had not signed the Armistice. A few men were left with the camp awaiting 
further developments. Two or three days later we all marched back again and then 
and there began our favorite pastime of wondering when we would go home. For 
three weeks after that we had clear, crisp November weather and it was during this 
period that the prisoners of the Allies began straggling back from the German prison 
camps, half clothed, more than half starved and almost frozen. 

December was dark and rainy and we hadn't even Christmas to look forward to 
as mail was uncertain and little could be sent from home. On Christmas eve a snow 
came that decorated every tree in the valley. We had our own Christmas tree in the 
Y tent, with candy and anything else that could be found to add to the spirit of the 



22521 and 24327— U. S. Official. 



Upper View — Vieville-sous-les-Cotes, Showing old Church and Cemetery. Upper Half of Cemetery 
was Added by the Germans. The Large Monument, of a German General, was Dynamited 
by the French when they came back into the area. Taken from Hatton- 
chatel Hill, Meuse, France, Sept. 13, 1918. 
Lower View — Street Corner in Vieville-sous-les-Cotes, Showing Numerous German Signs in the 
Foreground and Ruined Buildings in the Background. Sept. 15, 1918. 



Camp Creue 



(35 



season. There were hot chocolate and real French cakes from Paris and we put on our 
own vaudeville show. Also there was beer in the mess hall. On New Year's eve we 
gave another entertainment and had informal talks from several and a reading by the 
Captain. Afterwards there were drinks to suit everyone's taste and the old year was 
shot out with a fusilade that would have done credit to a German attack. The Top 
Sergeant and the Captain spent a busy night. Everyone else enjoyed it, possibly they 
did. 

From the first of the year to April 10th, when we left Creue, was a long weary 
drag. Our work was not important and we all knew we were marking time until there 
was transport space to send us home. The war was over and there was not the in- 
spiration of helping to win to keep us up. Rumors reached us that we were to be kept 
over there to rebuild the roads of France. Others that we could not be sent home until 
peace was signed as we were the only road builders left in the A. E. F. "Leaves" came 
more regularly and we had the opportunity of seeing other parts of France than the de- 
vastated country that we lived in. We could not, like other outfits, get "leave" for 
England or other countries, however, so even men having relatives there did not see 
them. Paris "leave" was almost impossible but all roads led to Paris so most of us 
saw it for a day, at least. Excepting on "leave" we saw little of France that was in- 
teresting. Creue was well back of no-man's land and a trip to Commercy, the nearest 
town not shot to pieces, was an all day affair if one had transportation. Passes for 
more than twelve hours were hard to get. With or without passes, some of us got to 
Nancy, to Verdun and a few to Metz. Creue offered one diversion only. Its only 
shops were cafes which did a good business, the stock being replenished by a poilu who 
came several times a week with a barrel on a cart drawn by a fat horse. 

This period between the Armistice and the time of going home was well named by 
some one the demoralization period and it was at this time that we got the name of 
Bolsheviki. But, for these surroundings and under these conditions, the morale of the 
Company was good. Being between the S. O. S. and the Army of Occupation and be- 
longing to neither, having to fend for ourselves in many cases when we might have ex- 
pected the higher-ups to assume the responsibility, we did a lot of complaining, as was 
our privilege, but we sat tight on the job and came home with little against us on the 
records and much to our credit. 

Camp Creue was only a German camp but even so, it had an atmosphere of home 
that we felt rather than realized. To men coming in from outside for an hour or a 
day it was apparent. In true American fashion we had made it ours. We left it on 
the morning of April 10th and as we went out of Camp the French people came in — 
to take back their own. 

HOW WE WERE RATIONED IN THE A. E. F. 

For rationing of C Company in May, 1918, the Q. M. C. had things worked out 
after a certain system which according to their viewpoint was perfect. 

We drew our rations at a railhead commissary, at that time at Sorcy-Gare. They 
were drawn for the whole Battalion and loaded on the narrow gauge for transportation 
to the various camps, C Company drawing about 60% of the total issue. At that time 
our camp was usually the first stop. Here the "chow" was split up more or less un- 



G6 



C Company, Our Book 



fairly and always hurriedly, because we always held up ammunition or water trains 
going up or empties coming back. Of course a quarter of beef, or a barrel of Java, or 
the butter or tobacco issue would sometimes be lost in the shuffle and not be missed in 
the rush of unloading but was usually in our favor. 

Our meat came thru in very good shape while we drew in this manner. The 
"Stars and Stripes" told of so many tons of fresh pork, picnic hams and chicken that 
had been shipped to the A. E. F. But they forgot to state that fresh pork and nice 
juicy hams were not good for troops at the front but were sent over for the fighting 
Q. M. C, Ordnance and other S. O. S. outfits. 

The Army ration is supposed to be perfectly proportioned and would be if it were 
not for the various substitutes. As an illustration, if no beef was to be had of course 
our friends Corn Willie and Gold Fish were substituted. If the spuds were half rotten, 
full of dirt or frozen and were refused, watery tomatoes filled the bill as far as 
quantity was concerned. Corn, peas or big stout onions also could be substituted in 
part or in whole for our regular issue of "Murphies." On down the list various 
articles could be substituted for the original, like Karo syrup for sugar, corn meal for 
flour, red beans for navy beans, lard or oleo for butter, rotten English marmalade in 
paper containers for good American made jam, which the Q. M. C. preferred. 

Some components of the ration came through with monotonous regularity, such as 
mouldy bread, prunes (mouldy and rotten usually), Bull Durham, hand and laundry 
soap and T. P. Why no ships bearing these articles were torpedoed is one of the un- 
solved mysteries of the World War, but boats laden with our chicken, pork, ham, 
Camels, candles, candy and chocolate issue were continually being sunk. At least that 
is the report the Q. M. C. would pass out as these things failed to materialize after 
being heralded for weeks in the "Stars and Stripes." 

The 1st Battalion got such poor service at Sorcy-Gare that they finally went to 
Menil-la-Toul, which place was overworked and understocked most of the time. The 
details at that commissary were such enthusiastic and persistent souvenir hunters that 
we had to carry our own loading details, which necessitated our taking an extra truck 
because they would get mixed up somehow in their directions about carrying out stuff 
and when we got back to camp we often found extra cases of milk, syrup, candles, or 
a sack or two of sugar or flour. This was unfortunate, so to avoid a recurrence of the 
episode the same detail was selected again and cautioned to leave what didn't belong 
to them absolutely alone (?) 

In deference to the details of the truck and wagon companies of the 1st Battalion, 
as well as the men on detail from C Company it can be said that they never were 
known to take a thing that did not belong to them from the Menil-la-Toul commissary 
while the guards were looking. 

Sometimes when particularly unfortunate in the quality or quantity of the ration 
we were issued, the officers would miss their extra can of butter or milk and they 
would have to be told that it had been a rainy day and the Q.M.C. guards were 
out in force instead of hunting souvenirs as was their habit. 

The method of procedure in drawing rations was like this: The mess sergeant 
or his legal substitute would take the issue slip of the ration period elapsed, go to 
headquarters to get the new issue order countersigned, then hie away in an F. W. D. 
or Mack truck to the location of the issue commissary. This occurred as early in 



Camp Creu'e 



67 



the day as he could get a truck driver to realize that it was his duty to get up and 
"turn her over" and get away. On arriving at the commissary he reported at the 
office and warmed his shins or scraped his feet until the high and mighty quartermaster- 
sergeant deigned to notice, when he advanced with blood in his eye, to demand a good 
ration. Then the fun began. Over his shoulder he had a view of the tiers upon tiers 
of milk, sugar, hams, candles, flour, candy, cigarettes, dried peaches, apricots or 
apples, etc., and the Q. M. Sgt. would begin: "No ham today. Only one hundred of 
flour. Have to give you prunes again. No milk or candles. Can give you Bull 
Durham, but no cigarettes and we have some candy today, but not enough for the 
whole sector, so we can't issue it, etc." Tear your hair, stamp your feet and cuss or 
cry in your disappointment and he only leaned back and lighted another cigar and 
said, "If you don't like it go to the C. O." Then he gave out a number, ten, fifteen 
or twenty, which meant that you were to appear in that order at the warehouse for 
your Gold Fish and "such other punishment as a court martial may direct." 

In due time, usually four or five hours, the chow was hurled at you and you 
wended your way "happily" back to your family and the joyous welcome they were 
to give you when they found you brought no cigarettes, candles, candy or other things 
that were unknown luxuries except in the far off S. O. S. and home camps. 

This illustrates some of the trials of a mess sergeant. About the worst that ever 
came to ours was when we were at Central Park and about half of the 82nd division 
came over to the crossroads "decootieizer" for new apparel and forgot their "Willie 
and Hardtack." It was the last day of our four day ration period and we were pretty 
low. The Colonel in charge came blustering into the kitchen to make us bump our 
heads on the ground and beg for mercy, and demanded that we prepare food for his 
poor, starving draftees whom he had neglected to provide with rations before starting 
on their little parade. He was referred to the C. O. where he again demanded that 
we "FEED THOSE MEN!!!" When he found we really only had red beans and 
empty pots and pans to cook up, he softened down, drew out his silk handkerchief 
and said, "Captain, can you give just bread and coffee to say one hundred and seventy- 
five men who did not eat breakfast?" This was done and that battle was over. 

C Company was pretty fortunate on the food question at that, considering the 
blacksmiths, plumbers, truck drivers, etc., we had to draft as cooks and mess sergeants. 
Then the men who warmed things up or camouflaged them on the "cut off" and other 
details helped in no small way to make our culinary department more of a success. 

Of course there was our Thanksgiving dinner at Camp Meigs in 1917 which 
Walborn engineered even under quarantine and the feed on Christmas at Washington 
Barracks under perhaps worse difficulties. Then Easter Sunday 1918 when we ATE 
and moved the same day. These three big turkey dinners and those of Thanks- 
giving and Christmas at Creue will ever stand out in our memories. 

A tribute to the women who served in our "Y" hut might be in order here also. 
Many was the time, after we served "goldfish, slum or hash" that the boys could go 
over to the "Y" and get doughnuts or cookies and a cup of chocolate to take the taste 
of our poor "chow" out of their mouths. 



G8 



C Company, Our Book 



OUR MEDICAL DEPARTMENT 
By the Doctor 

Clear on the morning air sound the silvery notes of the bugle, ably produced 
by the leathery lungs of the versatile Rawhouser, who could produce tones from 
anything, be it a tin pan or a Uke. Loud and clear through "La Foret de la Reine" 
sounds the refrain: 

"Come and get your quinine, come and get your pills," 
"Come and get your quinine, come and get your pills." 

Scarcely do the echoes die away, before the stentorian cries of Tommy Doran 
again set the air currents reverberating with: 

"Sick outside! Sick outside !" 

Slowly the little line wends its way toward the Infirmary, headed by the non-com 
and the sick book. Infirmary is an apt name for that institution at Central Park. No 
modern hospital graced the site ; simply a squad tent having a floor space of about 225 
sq. ft. Let us glance inside and behold its luxurious (?) appointments before pro- 
ceeding with sick call. 

For a floor covering the never-to-be-forgotten, nice, soft, affectionate, clinging mud 
of Sunny (?) France we find the famous duck board. On the east side we behold the 
bunk of Grant which he has fashioned from odd pieces of lumber and for added luxury 
supplied with springs made of poultry wire. At one end gracefully reposes his blue 
barrack bag and underneath, his other various possessions, consisting of his shoes, belt, 
tin helmet, gas mask, and if he has just drawn down his beaucoup francs, plus a few 
insignificant clackers, one may discern his commissary department of a can of pears, 
jam and possibly a bottle bearing * * *, which said bottle, if discovered by the Louey, 
"just growed," like Topsy. On the southern side we behold its mate in the bunk of 
Palmer, that wizard at African Golf. That boy could shout : "Read 'em and weep," 
and you usually wept. Near the center pole is a square form containing baked mud 
surmounted by a conical shaped Sibley stove; and artistically running from the center 
pole to the rear we find a line draped with the family wash. On the north side is the 
dispensary consisting of a rickety table surmounted by a cabinet containing pigeon 
holes for the various records and spaces for the numerous collection of bottles and 
drugs. No paint adorns this beautiful piece of furniture, but in order to lend a touch 
of local color, our old friends Iodine and Argyrol have contributed numerous dark 
brown stains. Sitting gracefully under the table is the Surgeon's chair, another 
elaborate piece of furniture; namely, a canned-goods box. 

Having given you a glimpse of the interior of this noble institution, let us proceed 
with sick call. 

Picking up the sickbook the Surgeon calls the first name: 

"Schaeperklaus !" Louie shuffles up. 

"Take your hat off!" yelps Grant. 

"Well Louie, what's your trouble?" 

"I've got some skin disease, Captain. It itches." 

"Take your undershirt off, Louie. Let me have it. Yes, Louie, you have a pretty 
bad skin disease called Pediculus vestimenti." 



Camp Creu'e 



69 



"Huh! Qu'est ce qui c'est, Captain?" 

"Cooties. Send him to the delousing plant, Sergeant." 

"Gustafson! What's on your mind, Gus?" 

"I've got an awful headache and my stomach don't feel right." 

"Did you go to Boucq last night?" 

"Yes sir." 

"Dose of Maggie Sullivan, Grant, and a few soda bicarb." 
"Buss." 

"I cut my finger." 
"Paint it with Iodine, Grant." 
"Have no Iodine, Captain." 
"All right, give him two O. D.'s." 

So it went from day to day. One column of the sickbook was to be marked 
either duty or quarters. Duty if a man was able to perform his work, and quarters 
if it was necessary to confine him to his bunk. Many were the weird symptoms listened 
to as some of the old regulars tried to put one over and get marked quarters. Had 
some of them had the symptoms of which they complained they were about due to 
be wrapped in the Flag of the Free, receive the honors of the firing squad and have 
Taps sounded over their last resting place. 

Of all the companies that I attended, Company C had the least malingerers and 
I have heard men demur when marked quarters, which was contrary to the usual 
course of events. 

I first made my acquaintance with Company C at Gerard-sas, France, on the 
28th of March, 1918, and was formally assigned as Company Surgeon at that place. 
Prior to this my army career had been a checkered one. I had the honor of being 
the first medical officer of the 23rd to be ordered overseas. Owing to army red tape, 
I was not the first one to reach France, however, as a member of the 23 rd. I was 
ordered to report to C Company of the 23rd at St. Nazaire. On my arrival at St. 
Nazaire, I found that the Company was at Menil-la-Tour. Upon my arrival at this 
place I found that it was up to me to hike to Boucq. From here I was sent to 
Gerard-sas. 

March 31st was moving day and we went into camp at Washington Barracks. 
Here I drew down a wonderful infirmary consisting of a tar paper covered shack. 
Palmer and Kelly were my Sanitary Corps men and they had their work cut out for 
them in getting the shack into at least the resemblance of a sanitary place. Despite its 
location and nearby stagnant pools of water, the health of the men at this camp was 
unusually good. All sanitary precautions that were possible were taken and the men 
cheerfully cooperated in the work. The camp was destined to be unhealthy, however, 
not due to unsanitary conditions but to Fritz's playful pastime of trying to play ten 
pins every afternoon with us for the pins. Something must have been the matter with 
his nerves for he never made a strike but he made up for this in coming too near for 
comfort. i : ! ' 

April 13th was moving day again and we dropped back and established the 
famous Central Park. Here the sanitary conditions were excellent. The largest 
amount of sickness was during an epidemic of Influenza (which diagnosis was pro- 
hibited by G. H. Q.) At this time about sixty men were sick, the Company Surgeon 
included. 



70 



C Company, Our Book 



I have often wished that my name was on the list buried under the stone marker 
at Central Park, for I was proud of having been at this camp. For some reason 
which I could not fathom, it seemed that the Surgeon and Sanitary Corps men were 
not considered as a part of Company C, although officially assigned to them, and the 
general attitude seemed to be "anything is good enough for the Infirmary." I never 
could draw a wooden building for an Infirmary at Central Park; a tent had to 
suffice, as it was not evidently deemed important — as the barber shop, for instance. 
This was the only company of the 1st Battalion which did not provide adequate 
medical quarters. 

No doubt some of the men grumbled at the medical treatment received, but I 
know the majority appreciated the difficulties under which I labored. I had been 
engaged in the practice of medicine for ten years prior to my entrance into the service, 
and was used to having many drugs at my command. In the A. E. F. I worked on 
a one-legged stool as it were, in the treatment of the various diseases. Had a man 
bronchitis, I could only give him Brown's Mixture or ammonium chloride tablets; if 
rheumatism, sodium salicylate ; if intestinal trouble, salts, O. D.s and bismuth tablets ! 
If a sore throat, paint with argyrol. So it went with all diseases. 

Possibly few of you realized the difficulties in securing these few drugs. Often 
I was turned down at the Medical Supply depot in Toul, because we did not belong 
to the division then in our area. I would beg, plead, and do everything to obtain 
drugs. In Toul I faced the higher-ups and pleaded my case. I considered it quite 
a record never to have gone on a hunt for drugs without coming back with some. 

Of the Sanitary Corps, Pvt. Grant was the longest with Company C. He sure 
did have one grand faculty for crabbing and almost seemed a Bolsheviki in his utter- 
ances, but there was not a man in the Corps who would do his work more cheerfully 
and was ready at any hour of the night or day, to do all in his power to alleviate the 
suffering of some buddy. Palmer was with C Company for a brief period and he 
likewise was right on the job, and always cheerful. 

I continued with Company C until I received the appointment of 1st Battalion 
Surgeon on August 20th, 1918, a change which necessitated my moving to 1st Battalion 
Headquarters. As Battalion Surgeon I still looked after Company C and left Grant 
and Palmer in charge of the Infirmary. 

A history of the medical side would be incomplete without mention of the ambu- 
lance service. 

Our equipment was, as you know, a Ford, and none in the A. E. F. had more 
service than she did. Only a "Hunka Tin," but we were sure of going there and 
coming back, and only once in her many months of service did she fail to bring us 
back under her own power. Often she would limp home a cripple. At the time of 
turning her in the only part of the original car remaining was the chassis frame, the 
body and part of the engine. Before I acquired her, she had been driven by the former 
Battalion Surgeon, Captain McLaughlin, and he had her well broke. Give her her 
head and she would point direct to Toul, Nancy, Lagny, Boucq, and other well 
remembered battle grounds. 

At the time that I became 1st Battalion Surgeon, Albert L. Rose was driver, and 
drove me hundreds of miles over the roads of France. We were required at times 
to go long distances and the tracings on our road maps show that we went as far 



Camp Creue 



71 



north as Spincourt, south to Neufchateau, west to Bar-le-Duc and Verdun, and east 
to Pont-a-Mousson and Nancy. There is hardly a road in the area of these boundaries 
that we did not cover. 

During the active days prior to the Armistice, ambulance driving was a particu- 
larly hazardous job, especially at night, running without lights, as you who rode the 
trucks well know. On the forest roads this was particularly nerve racking. Sometimes 
we would almost be into a truck, the next minute nearly sliding into a ditch. During 
the nights preceding the St. Mihiel drive it was more so owing to the roads being 
filled with marching troops, truck trains and artillery. I recall one night just before 
the drive that was a nerve racker. Rain was falling in torrents when we started for 
Sebastopol with an artilleryman who was injured by a gun rolling on him at a camp 
just above Central Park. 

It was necessary for Sgt. Jack Sawtelle to proceed ahead, guiding Rose, and I 
brought up the rear to see that no one crashed into us. Quite often we were nearly 
into the ditch and near Lagney were almost run down by a truck train. At Boucq a 
French touring car full of French officers disputed our right of way and refused to 
back up so we could go around a truck train. A group of doughboys literally shoved 
that car off the road accompanied by beaucoup parley vooing on the part of the French. 
That was the least of our worries. The trip consumed about three hours in making 
the twelve miles. ' | 

The day following the drive we were placed under arrest at Beaumont by one 
Colonel Rutherford, who claimed we were bucking traffic, yet directly following us 
was a Y. M. C. A. car and it was allowed to proceed, while an ambulance going in 
the line of duty was compelled to draw out to the side of the road. I waited some time 
and then walked up to the Colonel and explained that I was going to Flirey for a 
man hurt in the wagon company there. He refused to let me through, so taking a 
chance we turned and proceeded back to Mandres and tried to beat around from 
there, but were unsuccessful. At Flirey we were caught in a traffic jam and had our 
guns barking away over our heads. On the road from Heudicourt to Nonsard we 
were in direct line of fire from shells being hurled at one of our observation balloons. 
Fortunately none found the road until we were past. I write this only to show what 
Rose of Company C had to contend with in driving the ambulance. No doubt he 
thought he had a crab of an officer to put up with at times, besides this. If he did, I 
ask his forgiveness as it was tres necessaire. 

On January 8, 1919, after having carried the 1st Battalion from August, 1918, 
I was superseded by Major Anderson and upon having my choice of companies asked 
to be re-assigned to Company C. 

I once again took up my quarters with Company C, this time at Creue, and here 
established the last infirmary of the Company. Owing to no quarters being available 
in the camp, it was necessary to put the infirmary in the front room of one of the 
ruined houses in the village. This was quite inconvenient for the men as it necessi- 
tated about a half mile walk. A little room was finally built in the rear of one of the 
men's bunk shacks. This was little more than a closet and would just about hold 
my outfit and leave no room for sick call. I promptly issued an ultimatum that the 
Infirmary would stay where it was in the town until adequate quarters were provided. 



72 



C Company, Our Book 



After several weeks a larger room was built in back of the barber shop, and here 
sick call was held until our departure to the coast. Rose had been superseded as 
ambulance driver by Jackson Robertson and was helping Grant in the Infirmary. 

ON LEAVE 

The first "leave" detail left for Aix les Bains on July 16. One-tenth of the Com- 
pany was to leave about every twelve days but only two or three details got away 
before cancelling orders came through and leaves were off till in the fall. Some of 
those who were lucky enough to be among the first had two leaves. Others had a 
few days in Paris. Others took a few days in Paris and still others got a few days. 

WRESTLING 

C Company took up wrestling shortly after arriving in France. The bouts were 
all very interesting and the contestants displayed a great deal of spirit and humor, 
but very little science or knowledge of the rules. 

DEAL VS. W. S. WILSON 

After an argument in the mess line at Gerard-sas, Deal threw Wilson down and 
sat on him. Wilson doubted the wisdom of fyeing rough with the Captain's military 
adviser and Deal won the bout. 

DEAL VS. DORAN 

At Central Park the officers backed Deal to win from Doran. The company 
backed Doran. The match was held in the "Y" tent on the hottest night of the summer 
of 1918. Deal had Doran down on the mat for more than half an hour, but could not 
put him on his back and no decision was given by the referee. 

DEAL VS. FRITZ 

Deal wrestled Fritz ten minutes after his match with Doran, but neither one could 
gain a fall. They tried it again several days later with the same result. 

DEAL VS. NEWMAN 

Newman of B Company heard that Deal was some wrestler and came over one 
night and threw Deal for two falls before Deal fully realized that the bout had 
started. 

MAUD VS. THE COMPANY 

Maud Samuels offered to wrestle anyone and on Wednesday nights under the 
trees at Central Park a canvas was spread and one after another the strong men of 
the Company went down to defeat. 

MAUD VS. GRZYBOWSKI 

After Maud had been proclaimed champion, Grzybowski challenged and won so 
easily that no more matches could be arranged. 



Camp Creue 



73 



DEAL VS. SOTIE FELCH 
One day Deal tried to get in the mess line in front of Felch and was thrown out 
on his ear. This affair was called a draw because Fisher scolded Felch. 

MCCARTNEY VS. ARMY MULE 
McCartney drove the only mule C Company ever had. The arguments they 
had were hardly fair because as Babe Adams said, "The mule couldn't understand 
McCartney." 

WALKOTTE VS. F. W. D. TRUCK 
Walkotte, our transportation expert, wrestled with a truck and landed on his head. 

SPENCER VS. LOMBARDI 
Spencer and Lombardi settled an argument in back of the kitchen at Central 
Park one day. This match was a draw — Spencer drew a lot of bandages for his head. 

BAILIE VS. JERRY CREIGAN 
Jerry was a Sergeant with the 524th Engineers. One day at Sanzey he threat- 
ened to get rough with a C Company detail, so Bailie picked him up by his belt and 
threw him off the job. 

MCCARTNEY VS. G. I. CANS 
McCartney wrestled the white washed G. I. Cans that were placed in the rear of 
the barracks at Central Park. McCartney won — he quit. 

LIEUT. HUDSON VS. THE I. D. R. 
The Lieutenant wrestled with the Infantry Drill Regulations whenever he was 
present at a formation. He won the furlined mess kit with his knowledge of "At the 
trail." 

FISHER VS. THE TOP SERGEANTS JOB 

Write your own ticket. 

FIELD DAY AT SORCY GARE 

On July 4th, 1918, several companies from the 21st, the 28th and the 23rd Engi- 
neers met for a Field Day at Sorcy-Gare. 

Only a few days before it had been announced that C Company would run against 
A Company in the four man relay race, and a tug-of-war team would pull against A 
Company's team. 

We did not know we had any runners and we had some doubts about a tug-of-war 
team, as all of the men had used all the pull they ever had, first to get into the Regiment 
and then to get out of it. 

But as Lieutenant Garforth had made all arrangement even to the amount we 
would bet, we figured we had been handed another job that was strictly up to us to 
finish, and when we learned that Lieut. (Gas Abie) Kern was in charge of the A 



74 



C Company, Our Book 



Company end and was the one who had enticed our charge of our unsophisticated 
Lieutenant, we were all anxious to enter the contests. 

Remember Gas Abie, the little fat red-faced Lieutenant who put us through the 
gas drills at Central Park. How he loved C Company and how we loved him. Surely 
he saved our lives with his instructions and advice which was always just as clear as 
mud, — "If you don't get the gath math on in thix theconds you will be S. O. L." 

After starting the ball rolling, Lieut. Garforth retired and left it to us to push it 
along. 

Dave Heatly was chosen to lead, and manage the tug-of-war team in which were 
such able men as Haviland, LaBell, Dugal Allen, Dolven, Bailie, Nave, Guy, 
Grzybowski, Samuels, Karl Reed and Cootie Conway. 

Sgt. June collected the money for the bets and in a few hours he had several 
thousand francs more than A Company would cover, the final amount being five 
hundred francs on the tug-of-war and another five hundred on the relay. 

On July 4th, the 21st Engineers ran a train on the narrow gauge from Etain 
Neuf to Sorcy-Gare and most of C Company took advantage of the "outing." 

A Company headed by Lieut. Kern and backed by Ben Clark came on the field 
prepared to pull under rules all their own, in spite of the fact that they had drawn up 
the rules for the contest and C Company was prepared for these rules only. 

Loud arguments ensued and the "Y" man in charge of the meet drew up some 
rules of his own. The teams took the field and listened carefully to the instructions. 
The "Y" man said he would blow one whistle to "get ready" and another "to go." 

He said, "All ready" and blew one whistle and A Company started to pull. He 
did not blow his whistle again. C Company expecting two whistles were not ready, 
two men not even having hold of the rope and Nave our anchor man was not in 
position at all. 

The white cloth which marked the middle of the rope jumped right over to the 
A Company side of the line, one, two, three, four, five feet and then C Company 
started and it came right back until it was six inches on the C Company side when the 
word was given to "hold," and although A Company tried hard, the cloth did not move 
and we won. We won in spite of a complete change of rules, of a very unfair start, of 
fouls by Lieut. Kern who frequently touched the men on his team, and last but not 
least, we won without the services of Dave Heatley who had worked so hard to pick 
and prepare the team and who was a most important member of the team itself. Dave 
was left in camp with the "Flu" but he had his money on the team and was quite sat- 
isfied with the result. 

The relay team came on the field all dolled up and caused quite a commotion. 

The teams from the 21st and 28th Engineers and A Company of the 23rd Engi- 
neers took off their hats and they were ready. 

The C Company team took off a lot of other things and appeared in sawed off 
underwear, which was evidently supposed to be track suits. This scenery with hob 
nailed shoes was very effective; the spectators (even the French women) gathered 
around our athletes and gasped. 

The race started. A Company won. C Company athletes ( ?) are running yet, 
and C. V. Reed said, "Another good fifty francs gone wrong." 



Camp Creue 



75 



BASEBALL HISTORY COMPANY C— 23rd ENGINEERS 

While at Creue in March, 1919, a meeting was held by the officers of the 23rd 
Engineers. Plans were made to have a Baseball League composed of men in our regi- 
ment. The four divisions of the regiment included one battalion each and whatever 
truck and wagon companies were attached to it. Further plans were made to have 
each company play a series of games with the other companies of the division in which 
they were placed. The champions of each division were then to play each other in the 
finals to decide the championship of the entire regiment. 

Lieut. Garforth represented C Company and he appointed Private Fortner as 
manager of Company C baseball team. 

It was arranged through the Y. M. C. A. to get baseball equipment, but we were 
unable to get either uniforms or baseball shoes and had to play in our "O. D.'s" and 
hob nails. As the Boche never played baseball, they left us no grounds to play on, 
which necessitated a search for a suitable spot to lay out our ball field. We finally 
found a level spot on top of a hill, which was later named "Blay Hill" because Blay 
walked to the top more than any other member of the outfit. With the aid of seven 
husky German prisoners, who cleared the spot of the barbed wire and filled in a few 
trenches, etc., our field was laid out and ready to play on. The only difficulty was the 
walk to the top of the hill to reach the ball field, it being about eight hundred feet 
high, and by the time a man got to the top he had used up enough energy to play two 
full ball games. Of course, had we been officers there would have been very little 
trouble, as they rode horses — don't you all remember "Joan of Arc" the white horse ? 

As the season was to start immediately, and we had no idea who could play ball 
in the outfit, a sign was posted calling for candidates to report for trials at the top of 
the hill. We had a good turnout of material and our first game was between the 
Bolsheviki and the Red Guards. The Bolsheviki or "Cognac Nine" as they were also 
labeled were composed of such peace loving and timid men as Gus, Rogels, Watts, 
Blay, Nave, Oakes, etc. Many of the quiet, gentle men of the company were 
rooting for the Cognac Nine and tried to urge them on to victory. Among the rooters 
were Col. Duffy, Etter, McCartney, Gallaway, Pruitt, Felsh, Smith, Clay Martin, 
Thomas, "Cootie Conway," Wolf, Christian and even Dinty Downing. 

The Red Guards were composed of what was left of the Company — Livingood, 
Rickard, O'Brien, Ardis, Fortner, June, McGuire, Hughes, Wilde, Lowther and 
Peters. It was a great game while it lasted. Even though Gus only had one good arm 
at the time he was the star player of the Cognac Nine and always gave the outfielders 
a chase for the ball. The game ended 21 to 4 in favor of the Red Guards. The Cognac 
Nine was not defeated in spirit. Sergeant Fisher could vouch for this as he often 
found them bubbling over with different kinds of "spirits" many days after the game. 
After a good workout it was decided to play a game between the "Non-Corns" and 
Privates. This, naturally, caused everyone to take a deep interest in the games and it 
was the talk of the camp. The Bucks kidded the Non-Coms until they forced bets out 
of them and by the time the game was played there was a good deal of money up. 

Sergeant June managed the Non-Coms and Private Fortner managed the Bucks. 
At game time there were a goodly number of fans present and the game started with 
cheers from all sides. As there were more Bucks present they ruled the day as far as 



76 



C Company, Our Book 



noise was concerned. Private Weatherly pitched for the Privates and Sergeant Flahive 
pitched for the Non-Coms. It was a good game until Flahive weakened, due probably, 
to the long hill climb he had made, and was replaced by Corporal Smedley, who was 
also knocked out of the box, and replaced by Sergeant June who held the Bucks. How- 
ever, the game ended with the Bucks on the long end of the score and a volley of cheers 
echoed all over the camp. We will not give the score, as it might lead you to mis- 
judge the class of our ball club. 

Due to the large amount of work ahead of the company and most of the men 
being out of the camp on detached service, it was impossible to have all the men 
out to play in more practice games, so we had to pick the best players from the 
men who played in the game between the Non-Coms and Bucks for our Company team, 
with Fortner as manager. 

The opening game of the season was scheduled for Wednesday, March 26, and B 
Company, which was stationed near Conflans, was our opponent. On the morning of 
the game, Top-Sergeant Rosenthal with three truck loads of B Company players and 
rooters, arrived at camp just in time for dinner. We welcomed them and made them 
feel right at home. They were given a good dinner and Miss Arnault and Mother Burd 
took good care of them at the Y, where hot chocolate and cookies were served. 
After a good rest, they climbed the hill for a little workout on the ball field and out- 
lined their plans for beating our club and later winning the championship. It was a 
poor day for a ball game, as it rained practically all night and made the field soggy and 
slow. However, the crowd was on hand and B Company was confident of defeating us, 
so the game had to be played in the mud. Everybody in and around Creue was present 
and we had plenty of noise. All we needed was a peanut and crackerjack vender and a 
band and it would have been a great reminder of one of our big league games back home. 

The game started and C Company pinned their hopes in the following lineup: 

Private Ardis — 2B 
Corp. Deal— CF 
Private O'Brien— 3B 
Private Fortner — SS 
Private Livingood — C 
Sergeant June — IB 
Private Wilde— LF 
Private Peters — RF 
Private Weatherly — P 

Smith was named to face C Company, and pitched good ball until the 8th inning 
at which time he was knocked from the box. B Company went into the lead in the 
first inning and kept it until the 8th, when a triple by O'Brien, double by Fortner and a 
single by Livingood tied the count. Then the rally started. The crowd went wild and 
could be heard in the next town. In the 9th inning there was a double by June, and a 
single by Wilde and when the smoke of battle lifted Company C had pushed five men 
over home plate and won the game 6 to 5. This put C Company on the road to the 
championship. It just proved the old slogan "You can't hold a good team down!" 
The fact that we won this game aroused the interest of the whole camp and every 



Camp Creue 



77 



evening after work the boys could be seen playing and everyone seemed to take a keen 
interest in baseball. 

The Non-Coms still thought they could beat the Bucks so a game was arranged 
for the following Saturday, and as was the case in the first game, a good bit of money 
was bet on the result of the game. Sergeant Fisher came around with the news that he 
was going to play and bet fifty francs his team would win. To stimulate interest in 
the game, Captain Burke offered the winners of the game a truck to take them out the 
following day. 

The Bucks uncovered a new twirler in Private Rickard. LaBell started in the 
box for the Non-Coms. He looked like Goliath to us mere Bucks but this was one 
time when we didn't have to respect rank. We hit his "smoke" ball so far that they 
had to call in Corporal Payne to relieve him. Next Sgt. Whitt was called in and the 
last choice seemed to be the best for he managed to pitch the rest of the game. 

Rickard certainly was in splendid form, and only toyed with the Non-Coms. 
Sergeant Fisher was determined to win his fifty francs and in order to make it sure he 
attempted to play center field for his team. He kept the crowd very much amused with 
his antics in the field, as he greatly resembled a grasshopper. At one time a fly ball was 
hit to him and he almost drove the crowd to hysterics when he started after it. He 
hopped around, waving his long arms, like a sailor wigwagging a distress signal. He 
certainly was in distress, as when he finally got under the ball it hit him on the head 
and bounded away, amidst the wild yells of the fans. 

Corporal Deal also contributed plenty of amusement; when running bases he 
would dive at the player tagging him instead of sliding to the base. He kept this up 
all season and made a great hit with the fans (as a football star or wrestler.) Sergeant 
Whitt was the star of the game, making four hits off Rickard's delivery. The Bucks 
won and the Non-Coms were satisfied they couldn't play ball. The Bucks had the use 
of the truck and went to Metz to celebrate until the M. P.'s found them and led them 
out of the city. 

The following Saturday Truck Company No. 2 come to Creue, and again Com- 
pany C won, making it two straight in the 23rd Engineers League. The following 
day the Grave Registration outfit, stationed near Creue, came over to play and C Com- 
pany won again. 

On the next Saturday we left Creue to play our first game away from our home 
field. We left camp with three truck loads of fans and players, and went to Chambley, 
where we played Truck Company No. 1. We came away with another victory under 
our belts. After the game they fed us well. 

Sunday, April 6, the 29th Engrs. sent a crack team over to play us. By the end 
of the game they were worse than crack — they were cracked and we won — 16-1. 

Our boys had plenty of faith in us now and were putting their hard-earned francs 
on us. This inspired us to fight even harder and on Wednesday, April 9, we defeated 
Truck Co. 2 by the score of 21-9. 

We had our baseball diamond in good shape by now and had finished the tennis 
court, which was a sure sign that we were going to move. Thursday, April 10, we bade 
farewell to the hills of Creue, to the barracks built in the sides of the hills where we 
had known our first real comfort since our arrival in France, almost fifteen months 



78 



C Company, Our Book 



before. We said farewell to our fine mess hall and kitchen and to our Y tent and 
Mother Burd, who caught up with us again ten days later in the Belgian camp. 

Our next game opened up on Saturday, April 19, with Company A at the Belgian 
camp— LeMans. Now there was always a decidedly friendly rivalry between Com- 
pany A and Company C, so everybody turned out to root for his respective team. In 
beating A Company we won the championship of our Battalion. Both sides were 
flush with francs and "beaucoup centimes" were up on the game. Company A had a 
team which simply couldn't be "beat" — but we won 3 to 2. 

On May 16th we moved to the forwarding camp. Having cleaned up for every- 
thing in our prize First Battalion, we were anxious to meet the best teams from the 
other and more unfortunate ones of the 23rd. Now Company L claimed to be the 
champions of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Battalions and we met them at the forwarding camp 
on Sunday, May 18. This was by far the most interesting game of the season as it was 
a contest, not between teams of the same Battalion, but between teams representing 
different Battalions. 

Any man of the First Battalion knows how the other battalions led by the famous 
Ted Walker with his "Highwayman," would not recognize the First Battalion as 
having played any part in the war. Naturally the game was for blood as well as for 
honor, to say nothing of the approximate 3,000 francs which were up. 

The side lines were packed with rooters. All members of the First Battalion were 
rooting for us while Company L was supported by all the others. Company L started 
off right in the first inning with two runs and we didn't seem able to get a man as far 
as third base. In the seventh inning we started one of our famous Company C rallies. 
With three men on base Fortner knocked out a long triple which brought three men 
across the plate. This put us in the lead 3 to 2 and the First Battalion went wild with 
excitement. Company L scored one more in the 8th inning but we crossed the plate 
both in the 7th and 9th innings to make up for it and the final score was 5 to 3 in 
favor of Company C. 

Having lost the services of Sergeant June, who was made a Lieutenant and trans- 
ferred to the Wagon Train, Sergeant Whitt took his place, and was quite a factor in 
the winning of the game. Rickard pitched a wonderful game while Ardis and Peters 
featured with their star fielding. 

This gave us the right to claim the title of Champs of the 23rd Engrs., so 
naturally we adopted it. To have played the whole season without losing a game was 
a great fact and served to uphold the reputation of Company C's supremacy. There was 
more joy and excitement that night in Company C than was seen since the Armistice 
was signed. 

The following day we formed an All-star club composed of men from the 1st 
Battalion and played a club composed of the stars of the Wagon Train, and we won 
handily. At the forwarding camp C Company played A Company, a club from 
Regimental Headquarters, and another from a Medical Detachment, and won all three 
games, which gave us a clean slate, as we won every single game we played. At Brest 
the 1st Battalion All-stars beat the 21st Engineers and lost to the 3rd Battalion of the 
23rd Engineers. This was the last game we saw or took part in before we sailed for 
the "Good Old U. S. A." 




39174— U. S. Official. 

Upper View — Miss Grace Arnault and the French-German Combination of Horse and Buggy that 
Sgt. DeMars Salvaged, with Supplies for Company C, 23d Engineers. Boucq, Oct. 27, 1918. 

Lower View — The Vieville Family and their Neighbors. 



Camp Creue 



79 



ENTERTAINMENTS 

Early in the summer we frequently had moving pictures at the Y tent and the tent 
was usually filled to suffocation. The machines and operators were French. Acetylene 
gas light was used. The films were of all nationalities and most of them originated in 
the Paleozoic period. The best part of the entertainment was furnished by some of the 
men who interspersed interpretative remarks in regard to the characters and scenes de- 
picted. One evening the gas tank exploded and that tent exuded men from every pore ! 
The poor "frog" operator was put on the casualty list with a battered head and a 
possible fracture of the wrist. 

These were followed by a season of lecturers and Y entertainers, good, bad, and in- 
different, but all welcome, as a break in the regular monotony. After we moved to 
Creue army bands and show troupes also came our way and gave us some interesting 
evenings in the mess hall and the Y tent, for which we tried to show our appreciation 
by offering them the best we had in "bed and board." But what we probably enjoyed 
the most were the shows put on by our own men. A Company of the 21st Engineers 
and C of the 23rd combined talent for the first entertainment on March 9, 1918. 
After that there were several shows given by C Company including the minstrels on 
May 3rd and the Christmas vaudeville. Perhaps the one that furnished the most fun 
for the entire Company was that of August 27th at Central Park. This play was put 
on in the open air, where the tennis court was supposed to be, but never was. Under 
the direction of Mr. Silas Barber, the Y. M. C. A. Secretary at Central Park at that 
time, and I dare say one of the best friends the enlisted men had, this show was quite 
a success. Mr. Barber made several trips to Toul to get girls clothing, mens clothing, 
wigs, powder and paint, and other articles necessary for the play, and he made a good 
job of it. 

"Have Mercy Judge" 
Cast of characters as well as remembered 



Judge Rummy (The Dutch Justice) Tate Magee 

Dist. Att. Smart Denny Clynes 

Lawyer Baum (Bum) Steve Mullery 

Officer Moriarty (Bouncer of Court) M. Samuels 

A Tough Character Bott 

The Awful Rummy Rawhauser 

A Poor Little Boy L. Wilson 

Bright Eyes Rice 

Mrs. Pankhurst Slim Schiener 

Mademoiselle Fatima Bill Bailie 



The act opened with the judge asleep on the bench. After the usual court hustle 
and by-play several persons were brought before the judge for trial and the arguments 
between the prosecutor and the defense, often joined by the judge, furnished repartee for 
the company for the rest of the summer. The last case on the docket has gone down in 
company legends as the best ever "put over." 



80 



C Company, Our Book 



Judge — What is the next case? 

Dist. Att. — The next case on the docket, your honor, is that of a young lady who 
was arrested last night in a cafe in Paree for doing a naughty little dance, known to the 
occupants of the cafe as a Hawaiian and Oriental dance. 

Baum — I, for the defense, believe in my own mind that this young lady is not 
guilty of the crime of which she is charged. So I therefore ask that the case be struck 
from the docket. 

Dist. Att. — Your honor I disapprove of the statement the defense has just made 
as 1 find by my own careful investigation that this young lady known to the general 
public of Paree and of noted cafe circles is guilty of that of which she is charged and I 
shall, for the betterment of the people and the welfare of the community, use my 
utmost power and influence to stop all such dancing either in private or public. So, 
therefore, your honor, I believe this young lady is guilty of the offense of which she is 
accused and that the law should punish her. 

Baum — Your honor, I believe it to be true that the prosecution is trying to in- 
fluence the court to convict the young lady and have judgment brought against her 
without giving her a fair trial. So, your honor, in behalf of the defendant, I ask your 
honor to have the young lady dance before the Court so she may not be wrongfully 
judged. 

Police officer brings in prisoner. Her costume is of a rare shade of pink or flesh 
colored tights (underwear) that fit snugly. The abbreviated skirt (of mosquito netting) 
is short. Her adornments are brilliant breast plates, headdress and spangles (of tin, 
made by McFarland, the blacksmith.) She steps up in front of the Court and begins to 
dance, to the strains of Oriental music, and then to shake, and roll her vamping eyes at 
the Judge. He comes down from the bench and dances with the naughty maiden. This 
creates a riot in the court-room. 

At the end of the dance the company was in tears and the Judge rolled on the floor 
with laughter. 

After the Armistice, in Creue we put on a Christmas vaudeville that was a credit 
to us and followed it by a New Year's entertainment that has also gone down in our 
annals of fame as unsurpassable. 

FORBIDDEN CITIES 

A Sightseeing Detail Will Leave Camp at 8 a. m. Sunday 
Men Wishing To Go Will Leave Their Names at the Office 

This notice appeared on the bulletin board for several weeks when we were at 
Creue in the spring of 1919. Joy riding in trucks was strictly against orders, so the 
joy riders went sightseeing as a detail. A Sergeant in charge carried a paper signed 
by the Captain, this paper gave him permission to be absent from camp with a detail, and 
so armed, we went wherever we pleased or at least as far as a good line of bunk would 
carry us past the American M. P.'s and cigarettes would salve the French. 

Thibault and Bradshaw made seats for the truck, the cooks fixed up meat balls for 
sandwiches and at 8 a. m. Sunday morning we climbed aboard, twenty-seven strong and 
started out on a long, hard ride. 



Camp Creue 



81 



Verdun was thirty-three kilometers to the northwest of our camp and to reach the 
historic city we traveled over badly damaged roads and through a great many ruined 
towns. Leaving Creue we took the road to Vigneulles, then north through Hatton- 
ville, Billy, St. Maurice, Thillot, Hannonville to Fresnes where we always stopped to 
stretch our legs and look over a town that saw some of the worst of the war. Fresnes 
formed the northern hinge of the St. Mihiel salient and was totally destroyed. 

Leaving Fresnes we took the road west through Manheulles to the St. Mihiel- 
Verdun road and north to Verdun, or east two kilometers and then north to Etain and 
west to Verdun. Entering Verdun after a two hour ride we passed through the old 
gates in the walls built in the seventeenth century. We rode through the narrow 
winding streets to the foot of a stairway leading up to the Cathedral. Here we parked 
the truck and walked up to the Cathedral where we bribed the French guard to let us 
all in at the same time as they had some sort of orders to allow only a limited number to 
enter at one time. A few cigarettes did the trick. The Cathedral which was built in 
the twelfth century was badly damaged as were the buildings surrounding it, through 
which we wandered. After spending about half an hour at the church we tried our 
luck at seeing the underground city. Out of five tries we succeeded three times and 
thought we were quite successful as only officers were allowed to enter. A "Y" man 
told us that we might get in at an out-of-the-way entrance that he directed us to and 
we made it. 

Returning to the truck we ate the meatballs, pickles and bread and started for the 
hills east of the city where the battles of Verdun were fought. Here we parked the 
truck at Dead Man's Hill and walked over the hills for an hour or more before it was 
time to start back to camp, where we usually arrived just in time for supper. 

A great many of the company saw Verdun on these trips and although the going 
was rough we enjoyed it and everyone who went appreciated the fine work of the 
volunteer drivers who had anything but a joy ride. We owe a lot to Metzker, Jackson, 
Rudolph, Racey and Maud. 

Metz 

Metz was our Forbidden City. The Boche held Metz until the Armistice was 
signed, after which it was open to the American Army for a very few days, during which 
time some of our best walkers visited the city. Only a few made the trip however, as 
only the more daring cared to take chances of missing a meal or two. 

Along in the Spring of 1919 the Buck Privates of the Company offered to trim 
the Non-Coms in a ball game. This game was played on a Saturday and as our regular 
sightseeing truck always went out on Sunday, Sgt. June, who acted as guide and rubber 
neck wagon spieller, offered to take the winners for a ride to any place they wanted to 
go on the following day. 

The Buck Privates won and the next morning at 8 o'clock the truck was loaded 
with a roaring mob of ball players and their friends, the Sergeant came down the hill 
and asked where they wanted to go and they all shouted "Metz." This looked like a 
tough assignment for the Sergeant and he felt that he really could not keep his promise 
and offered trips to Verdun, Etain, Bar Le Due or as he said, some more reasonable 
place, but the crowd would not take "No" for an answer. Leaving Creue we passed 
through Vigneulles, St. Benoit, Chambley and on to Conflans where we made our first 



82 



C Company, Our Book 



stop after a rough cold ride. Here Sgt. June talked to a Signal Corps Sergeant who told 
him that passes to cross the line were given out to working parties only and that it 
would be useless to try to get across into Germany. Again the Sergeant offered Verdun 
but it was Metz or bust — and perhaps get busted. 

So we went on to Briey where we stopped for lunch. We had some bread and 
canned stuff in a bag but found a cafe where we could buy eggs and beer and a bakery 
where we purchased some French bread so we had quite a good meal. 

At Briey we were told by the M. P. that the Infantry were patrolling the line 
and we would not get by. Still the crowd wanted to try so the Sergeant said he would 
go as far as he could and we started out for the line taking the road to the little town of 
St. Private which the map showed was right on the line. Travelling through a pretty 
country that had not suffered from the war we headed southeast in the direction of 
Metz. As St. Private came into view we could see a soldier in O. D. patrolling the 
road and we felt that we had reached the end of our trip but as we got nearer we saw 
that the soldier was an Algerian and we decided to try to run past him. Jackson was 
driving with Racy on the seat as his helper, Sgt. June told Jackson to step on the gas 
and not to stop unless he told him to. We hit the town going just as fast as that old 
truck could travel and as Felch would say "making miles per hour," children and 
chickens were scattered right and left on the narrow street, the Algerian sentry looked 
up in surprise as we rushed past, and we were in Germany. 

Now we were on a beautiful road that wound through the valleys between the 
hills before Metz, no Americans were seen and we had the road to ourselves and we 
sailed right along into the town of Moulins, a suburb of Metz, from which the street 
car line leads into the big city. We followed this car line until Metz itself came into 
view. Stopping to view the wonderful city from a distance we wondered if we would 
be lucky enough to get in. The Sergeant had very little hope but was determined to 
take any or all chances. The cover was drawn back over the body of the truck and 
everyone told to keep inside as the Sergeant thought we might camouflage ourselves as 
a load of supplies for the M. P. company who were the only American troops allowed 
in the city. Continuing along the street car line we passed many French soldiers out 
for a stroll along the river banks. As we approached the bridge over the river we ex- 
pected to be stopped but crossed the bridge without seeing an M. P. Now over a broad 
road crowded with French soldiers and people from the city, we approached the gates 
of Metz. As we crossed the bridge over the old moat and passed through the massive 
gateway in the old stone wall we expected to be halted at every turn, but no one seemed 
to pay any attention to our truck. On entering the city we found ourselves on the 
main street so we turned to the left at the first crossing and entered a very narrow 
street. At the next crossing we turned to the right and parked the truck in a still 
narrower street where we hoped to be out of sight. 

All of this was done in a hurry as we hoped to see as much of the place as possible 
before we were discovered by the M. P. outfit. As the truck stopped the Sergeant 
jumped down from the seat and told the fellows to get down quick. He then told 
everyone to scatter and keep under cover as much as possible and to keep out of trouble 
if possible and last but not least to get back to the truck at 4 o'clock. It was then 3 
o'clock and we were to have an hour in the forbidden city, if we were lucky. 
Sergeant June with Corp. Gilsenan, who with Corp. Deal had managed to hide him- 



Camp Creu'e 



83 



self among the Buck Privates and make the trip, started out to see the sights. They 
were joined by Strickland and they were swinging along feeling like the Three 
Musketeers when they heard some one whistle behind them. They had only gone one 
square from the truck and on looking around were surprised to see an M. P. waving to 
them to stop. They pretended not to see him and were very much surprised when he 
ran up and asked what the hell they were doing in Metz. As there was not much to 
say the Sergeant undertook to say it. He told the M. P. he had a pass permitting him 
to be absent from camp but that meant nothing to the M. P. who said he would have to 
take the Sergeant to the M. P. Major. Corp. Gilsenan offered to go to the Major's 
office and give any legal advice necessary. Strickland was sent back by the M. P. to 
gather up the crowd and get them ready to be sent out of town. He started but simply 
walked around the corner and continued his sightseeing. 

On the way to the Major's office the M. P. said that he had seen our truck when 
we stopped to cover up the body of the truck before entering town. He had jumped 
on a street car and followed. He proved to be a pretty good fellow for an M. P. and 
advised telling the Major that we did not know that we were not allowed in Metz and 
as no one had stopped us we were perfectly innocent. However the Major was not in 
his office and some sort of a Sergeant got all swelled up for a while but finally agreed 
to send the outfit out of town at once. This, as Sgt. June explained, could not be done 
before 4 o'clock as our fellows were then scattered all over the place so the M. P. 
Sergeant gave us until 4 p. m. to get out of Metz and he told the M. P. who had made 
the pickup to take the Sergeant and Corporal back to the truck and see that they left on 
time or arrest the whole crowd. 

A few drinks of Cognac and the M. P. changed from a keeper to a guide and 
took the fellows all over town pointing out the things of interest until almost 4 o'clock 
when the crowd began to come back to the truck. As Sgt. June was anxious to 
take every one back to camp he gathered John Farsht under his wing and kept him there 
although John always wanted just one more little drink and said a few minutes more or 
less would not make any difference to an M. P. At 4 o'clock every one was at the 
truck but Racy and O'Brien, the M. P. was nervous and the truck was surrounded by 
German children and we were getting conspicuous. We were anxious to leave but de- 
termined to make the trip a complete success by bringing every one back, so at 4 o'clock 
Jackson discovered that he had to oil up the truck and water had to be carried for the 
radiator and then the thing would not go, anyhow. Of course we could not leave if 
the truck would not run so we waited and sent out scouts to look for the missing ones. 
We had about given up hope when they came running around the corner and rushed 
into the middle of the crowd in an effort to hide from a couple of M. P. birds who were 
chasing them. The truck suddenly came to life and we started out. There was no 
cover over the body of the truck as we went out and we made all the noise we wanted 
to and Jackson broke all time records getting back to Creue, where the Captain on 
hearing of our escapade said "Now I expect I will get Hell." 

GAS DRILL 

Gas drill was usually an exercise to gain skill and speed in handling the mask. 
Once in a while it included a given length of time in the gas chamber when "Gas 



84 



C Company, Our Book 



House Abe" would shoot the gas from his little pistol. The stone house near Gerard- 
Sas or our bath house was the gas chamber. On a few occasions the Company drilled 
Flahive. 

A COMBAT COMPANY 

In July all those who had no rating at the targets were required to go to a French 
rifle range on the road to Toul to comply with army regulations. The few shots fired 
on this range were the only ones ever fired from an army rifle by the writer. Ex-Buck 
Caldwell made the high score. 

PROPAGANDA 

German propaganda came down in little balloons dropped from airplanes sailing 
over so high that we would not know of their presence until the leaflets began to shower 
down on us. They were generally printed on one side in French and on the other in 
English. One dropped at Woinville on October 29th says in part : 

The German People Offers Peace 
The new German democratic government has this programme : 

"The Will of the People is the Highest Law." 
The German people wants quickly to end the slaughter. 
The new German popular government therefore has offered an 

Armistice 
and has declared itself ready for 
Peace 

on the basis of justice and reconciliation of nations. 
TOO FAST! 

Five months in France in an outfit in which no pick and shovel men were wanted 
and we were still doing pick and shovel work. How well we were doing it was re- 
vealed when we were put on "piece work" in the ditches near Hill Top on August 1st. 
The average of what had been a day's work — and then some — was laid off for each man 
as his stunt for the day and we had finished by 1 1 a. m. But it would never do to re- 
turn to camp so early so it was ruled that the work must not be finished before the 
middle of the afternoon ! 

HATS AND CAPS 

We had been equipped originally with the regulation campaign hats, with the 
engineers cord, which gave good all weather service. The trench caps issued to us April 
3, were no good as sun shades and were especially designed to collect rain and let it 
trickle down back of the ears. We continued, in spite of orders, to wear our campaign 
hats. When a new division came in the Colonel would give us a call on his first trip 
through but by the time he got around again he would have forgotten a whole lot of 
things that were of first importance in the S. O. S. and we got away with the hats for 
a long time. 



Camp Creue 



85 



SUNNY FRANCE 

The official weather record — according to a Company C Buck — for the month of 
April, in the Foret de la Rheine, was: Rain, 12 days; cloudy, 7 days; partly cloudy, 4 
days ; clear, 5 days ; no record, 2 days. 



REMINISCENCE 



Do You Remember? 
Maud's goatee? 
Fisher's mustache? 
McCartney's Irish? 
Jordan's speeches? 
Felch's bald head? 
1 erry 1 urner si 1 1 If 
The Battle of Boucq Hill ? 
Any time that Millen worked? 
Miss Arnault's bobbed hair? 
The Slave Driver at Creue? 
The beautiful view at Meade? 
"No pick and shovel men wanted ?" 
The Easter dinner at Washington Barracks? 
The time Dr. Grant's Drug Store was locked? 
The Christmas Tree and the eats at Creue? 
The time Gus gave the Medical Capt. "At Ease?" 
The bell over the door of the barber shop? 



We Will Never Forget 
How Phillips blew Reveille on cold mornings. 

That special edition of The Highwayman. 
"Camouflash dem windows — Taps has blew." 
"At the trail — Right shoulder arms." 
How Dr. Grant stood by his pills. 
The Dancing Master's pretty feet. 
How we drilled at "Central Park." 
"You man will have to police up." 
Dad Millens curved stem pipe. 
Lucky's thirty dollar smile 
Our Comical Corporals. 
Mother Burds doughnuts. 
Pruitts other skull. 
Buss on guard. 
The spy hunt. 
Army haircuts. 
McMaster. 



WE WOULD LIKE TO FORGET 

Picks 
Shovels 
Corned Willie 
Issue tobacco 
Our tender hearted dentist 
Most things at Washington Barracks 
The rest of the things at Washington Barracks 

Other times we were bawled out and — 
The time we forgot to salute the Second Looey 
That "Here comes another" feeling 
Camp Gerard-Sas 
Army beans 
etc. 

J ust like many another poor prune 
Up from the ranks arose Harry June. 
Now we all know a G. H. Q. Looey 
Elevated said June and our pride goes cafluey. 



86 



C Company, Our Book 



We Would Like to Remember We Can't Remember 

Our remarkable engineering accomplishments. What we did to win the war. 

What a good medical Captain we had. When it didn't rain in France. 

The sugar we had (!) in our coffee. Anything good about Sergeants. 

The promises Uncle Sam kept. Anything — after 8 P. M. in Boucq. 
How democratic the army was. That we ever even met a French girl. 

What good soldiers we were. What Wallcotte knew about gas motors. 

The Sun in "Sunny France." How much we borrowed and didn't repay. 

How old De Mars is. Where that extra sack of flour came from. 

Several other things. How we managed to get seconds at the "Y." 

The Cute Little Lieut! 
Lieut. : Sergeant, do you carry that pistol loaded ? 

Serg. : Yes Sir, I don't know of anything more useless than an empty gun. If 
I don't carry it loaded I might as well carry a handful of confetti. 

Lieut. : Unload that pistol this instant, there is no order that says that Sergeants 
shall not carry loaded pistols but there is one that forbids officers carrying their arms 
loaded, so if US OFFICERS can't carry our guns loaded WE are going to be damned 
certain that ENLISTED MEN don't. 

Bethel Says — 

Of all sad words of tongue or pen, 

The saddest were these, "Fini du vin, M'sieu." 

McCartney 

A sergeant is a buck private with his brains knocked out. 
Harvey Escaped 

"Hard" Harvey was a member of a detail sent out to search for escaped German 
prisoners at Creue. Harvey went through the old abandoned dugouts with a lighted 
candle in one hand and one of Mother Burd's doughnuts in the other. The prisoners 
didn't find him. 

The Prize Souvenir 

Felch still has the piston ring Wallcotte tried to fit to a piston with a sledge 
hammer. 

How Come? 

The only man in the company who wanted to work was "Bat" Connelly and his 
trick heart wouldn't let him! 

What's the Difference 

At sick call they were called "Sick, lame and lazy." Joe Jordan called them 
"Dog Robbers, Duty Dodgers, and Souvenir Collectors." 



Camp Creu'e 



87 



Engineering Ability Recognized 



There were details and details but Clifton drew the prize — he had the detail in 
charge of Post Holes! 



If you were never on hand to hear the Capt. giving Bill Jones engineering advice 
you missed one of the best comedies ever staged ! 



Sgt. DeMars was a man of great ability. Before he began working for $1.10 a 
day the lowest figure he would consider was $17.00 a day. One of his big stunts was 
to measure Shoshone Falls. This was done by stretching a rope from one side of the 
canon to the other and then going out and lowering another rope to get the 
measurements. 

Overcoming Obstacles 

When Sgt. Wallcotte was in charge of a fleet of trucks hauling ore from a mine 
in California 90 miles all down hill he made the trip in six hours and managed to 
make it back in five hours by going another route that was all down hill, too. 



Sgt. W alborn had not the least trouble unloading Henry Fords 90 ton gas engine 
crank shaft. 



La Bell and I were sitting by our stove in the house on the hill in Creue when 
I sniffed the air and said, "I smell rubber burning." La Bell took a sniff and said, 
"No, it smells to me like tar paper." A few minutes later we heard a most leisurely 
voice out in the hall say "Come on out heah you fellas, this whole gol-dunned house is 
on fiah." Who else could it be but Dugal A. Allen. 



TOPSY TURVY 



A Top Notch Man 



Wins the Vitrified Hash 



Fire Alarm 




Honorable Mention 



HEADQUARTERS 
1st Division 

April 2, 1918. 

From: Commanding General, 1st Division. 
To: Captain W. J. P. Simpson. 
Subject: Improved road conditions. 

I find a manifest improvement in the condition and up-keep of the roads. I desire to express 
to you and to have you express to the officers and men my appreciation of their efforts. Their 
work is absolutely essential to the cause. 

(Signed) R. L. Bullard, 

Major General N. A. 

HEADQUARTERS 21st REGIMENT ENGINEERS (LIGHT RAILWAY) 
AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 
Bulletin May 27, 1918. 

No. 27 

1. The following letter from the Commanding General, 26th Division, is hereby quoted for 
the benefit of all concerned: 

"HEADQUARTERS TWENTY-SIXTH DIVISION 
AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 

26th May, 1918. 

From: Commanding General. 

To: Colonel E. D. Peak, Engineer Light Railways and Roads, 1st Army. 
Subject: Care of railways and roads. 

1. The other day, coming from the advance trenches in my heavy limousine I went over the 
Mandres-Boucq Road. I was astonished and pleased with what had been accomplished from 
the first day I had arrived here in turning that mire into a practical road. It promises, by carrying 
on, in a short time to be as good a macadam road as there is in the area. 

2. I have noticed throughout the area your men on the railroad and on the roads working 
as individuals and as parties, and I have as yet to see a loafer at his various tasks. If it is 
digging out a gutter, laying a rail, ballasting, levelling up, on a railway or a sprinkler, the 
men are carrying on and working hard. 

The rule that is inspiring the men seems to be that on which we pride ourselves in the 26th 
Division ; Look out for the man in the mud. 

3. You have planned well in the development and extension of your light railroads and 
the work has been well done. It gives me pleasure to thus express my appreciation, and I request 
that you advise the various elements of your command of my pleasure and congratulations on the 
work accomplished. 

(Signed) C. R. Edwards, 

Major General." 

2. The Engineer of Light Railways and Roads takes great pleasure in being able to quote 
such a letter and desires to add his own appreciation to the faithful application of the personnel 
under his command on whatever work they may have been assigned ; he takes advantage of the 
opportunity to add also a word of caution to the effect that these tasks are gigantic in their 
magnitude and are as yet just begun ; he trusts that the same spirit and devotion to duty which 
has brought forth such favorable comment will be maintained unaltered and will be augmented 
in the future by even greater effort being exerted if such should be needed. 

By Order of Colonel Peek: 

Earl W. Evans, 
Captain, Engr. R. C, 
Executive Officer. 

88 



Honorable Mention 



89 



HEADQUARTERS FIRST ARMY 
Office of Chief Engineer 
Orders 16 September 1918. 

No. 18 

EXTRACT 

Par. (1) The following is quoted for the information of all Army Engineer Troops. 

1. Number 105 Sec. G. S. PERIOD The Army Commander directs that the following mes- 
sage from the President of the United States be transmitted to you for transmission to all troops 
of your command QUOTE Washington September 14th PERIOD To General John J. Pershing, 
American Expeditionary Forces, France PERIOD Accept my warmest congratulations on the 
brilliant achievements of the Army under your command PERIOD The boys have done what 
we expected of them and done it in the way we most admire PERIOD We are deeply proud of 
them and of their Chief PERIOD Please convey to all concerned my grateful and affectionate 
thanks PERIOD Signed WOODROW WILSON PERIOD UNQUOTE. 

2. No. 104 Sec. G.S. The Commander in Chief is pleased to transmit to the command 
the following telegram which he has just received : QUOTE My dear General : The First 
American Army, under your command, on this first day has won a magnificent victory by a 
maneuvre as skillfully prepared as it was valiantly executed. I extend to you as well as to 
the officers and to the troops under your command my warmest compliments. MARSHAL FOCH. 
UNQUOTE. The Army Commander directs that the foregoing telegram be distributed to the 
forces of your command. 

Par. (2) The Commander in Chief further directs that the Engineer Troops be advised of 
his appreciation of the way in which they have performed their duties. 

By direction of Brigadier General Morrow, 

T. H. Dillon, 

Colonel, Corps of Engineers. 

HEADQUARTERS FIRST ARMY 
AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, FRANCE 

General Orders 28 September, 1918. 

No. 20 

1. The allied troops are now engaged all along the Western front in the largest combined 
movement of the war. It is of extreme importance that the First American Army drive forward 
with all possible force. 

There is evidence that the enemy is retiring from our own front. 

Our success must be followed up with the utmost energy, and pursuit continued to bring 
about confusion and demoralization, and to prevent the enemy from forming his shattered forces. 

I am counting on the splendid spirit, dash and courage of our Army to overcome all 
opposition. Our country expects nothing less. 

John J. Pershing, 
General, Commanding First Army. 

HEADQUARTERS, FIRST ARMY 
Office of Chief Engineer 

23 November, 1918. 

From: The Chief Engineer, First Army. 

To: The Commanding Officer, 23rd Engineers. 

Subject: Services rendered during offensives. 

1. The Chief Engineer desires to express his highest appreciation to you and to your 
Regiment for the services rendered by you to the 1st Army in connection with the St. Mihiel 
Offensive, starting September 12th, and the offensive between the Meuse and the Argonne, 
starting September 26th, and the continuation of that offensive on November 1st, 1918. 



90 



C Company, Our Book 



2. The success of these offensives and the supply of the Army is largely due to the excellent 
work performed by your Regiment and its attached troops. 

3. A copy of this letter has been sent to the Chief of Staff, First Army. 

4. It is desired that the terms of this letter be published to all the officers and enlisted men 
of your command at the earliest opportunity. 

George R. Spalding, 

Colonel, Engineers, U.S.A. 

AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 
HEADQUARTERS SERVICES OF SUPPLY 
OFFICE OF THE CHIEF ENGINEER, A.E.F. 

25 February, 1919. 

Memorandum for: All Engineer Organizations. 

1. The following letters are forwarded for your information. It is requested that you 
communicate the same to your command. 

"Major General Wm. C. Langfitt, 

Chief Engineer, A.E.F. 
My dear General Langfitt: 

As the activities of our army in France draw to a close, I desire to express to you, and 
through you to the officers, enlisted men and civilian personnel of the Engineer Department, my 
appreciation of their loyal and energetic work, which contributed so greatly to our success. 

The various units attached to combat troops distinguished themselves at all times in the 
assistance which they rendered. The Division of Construction and Forestry, with limited 
resources at its disposal and under conditions of extreme severity, more than met the many 
demands made upon it. The Department of Light Railways and Roads furnished the indis- 
pensable link between the railheads and the front lines for the transportation of troops and 
supplies, and for the evacuation of sick and wounded. Its record in the construction and opera- 
tion of Light Railways and Roads has seldom been equalled. 

The many other services of the Engineer Department, connected with the acquisition and 
distribution of Engineer supplies, particularly those needed for combat operations, were so 
conducted that our forces never lacked for any essential. 

The Engineer Department has made a proud record for itself, and it gives me pleasure to 
express to you my sincere thanks and admiration, and that of your comrades of the American 
Expeditionary Forces, for its splendid achievements. 

Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) John J. Pershing." 

"General John J. Pershing, 
Commander-in-Chief, 

American Expeditionary Forces. 

My dear General Pershing: 

Not only on my behalf but on behalf of all the Engineers who have served under your 
leadership in France, permit me to express my deep appreciation of the sentiments of your letter 
of February 20th. 

The knowledge that the Engineers have to so great an extent earned your good will and 
commendation is the highest possible reward that could have come to officers and men alike. 
Without these their service in France would have been to no purpose. 

It will give me keen satisfaction to communicate the contents of your letter to the organiza- 
tions and individuals concerned, so that they may be stimulated to continue their efforts to merit 
your approval. 

With renewed expressions of the desire of every Engineer in France to give his utmost 
service to you in your great work, believe me, 

Cordially yours, 

(Signed) W. C. Langfitt, 

Major General, U.S.A." 



Honorable Mention 



91 



G. H. Q. 

AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 

France, February 28th, 1919. 

General Orders 
No. 38-A 

My Fellow Soldiers: 

Now that your services with the American Expeditionary Forces is about to terminate, I 
cannot let you go without a personal word. At the call to arms, the patriotic young manhood of 
America eagerly responded and became the formidable army whose decisive victories testify to its 
efficiency and its valor. 

With the support of the nation firmly united to defend the cause of liberty, our army has ex- 
ecuted the will of the people with resolute purpose. Our democracy has been tested, and the 
forces of autocracy have been defeated. To the glory of the citizen-soldier, our troops have faith- 
fully fulfilled their trust, and in a succession of brilliant offensives have overcome the menace to 
our civilization. 

As an individual, your part in the world war has been an important one in the sum total of 
our achievements. Whether keeping lonely vigil in the trenches, or gallantly storming the 
enemy's stronghold; whether enduring monotonous drudgery at the rear, or sustaining the fighting 
line at the front, each has bravely and efficiently played his part. By willing sacrifice of per- 
sonal rights; by cheerful endurance of hardship and privation; by vigor, strength and indomitable 
will, made effective by thorough organization and cordial co-operation, you inspired the war-worn 
Allies with new life and turned the tide of threatened defeat into overwhelming victory. 

With a consecrated devotion to duty and a will to conquer, you have loyally served your 
country. By your exemplary conduct a standard has been established and maintained never before 
attained by any army. With mind and body as clean and strong as the decisive blows you de- 
livered against the foe, you are soon to return to the pursuits of peace. In leaving the scenes of 
your victories, may I ask that you carry home your high ideals and continue to live as you have 
served — an honor to the principles for which you have fought and to the fallen comrades you 
leave behind. 

It is with pride in our success that I extend to you my sincere thanks for your splendid 
service to the army and to the nation. 

Faithfully, 

John J. Pershing, 

Commander-in-Chief. 

AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES 
HEADQUARTERS SERVICES OF SUPPLY 
OFFICER CHIEF OF CHEMICAL WARFARE SERVICE 

19 May, 1919. 

From: Chief of Chemical Warfare Service, A. E. F. 
To: Commanding Officer, 23rd Engineers, A. E. F. 
Subject: Farewell to the Regiment. 

1. I have learned today that the first portion of your regiment is leaving for a port of em- 
barkation for return to the United States. This is to be therefore, a farewell note. 

2. Will you please express for me, to each unit of the regiment, my hearty appreciation and 
gratitude for all their efforts and successes while the regiment was under my command. Their 
devotion and loyal performance of duties, no matter how disagreeable and onerous, will always 
constitute a bright spot in my recollections of the War. From all sides I have heard also com- 
mendation of the way in which these men have performed their duties in France, not only in the 
rear areas, but also when they were so fortunate as to form a part of our victorious front line 
troops. 

3. I feel certain, from what I know of the G. H. Q. policy, that had the War continued 
during the present season hundreds of the enlisted personnel of the regiment would have served 



92 



C Company, Our Book 



as commissioned officers, not only in the Engineers, but also of the Artillery and other services. 
From what I saw of them while in the regiment, I know that they were capable of so serving, 
with credit to themselves and to the country. However, the fact that men of such high technical 
ability and standing in their respective communities should have volunteered to serve in the ranks 
shows that they came to France for a higher purpose than self-advancement. They are, there- 
fore, returning home with a true soldier's greatest reward, the consciousness of a war time duty 
well performed. 

4. Please extend my congratulations and best wishes to every member of the regiment. 

E. E. Johnston, 

Colonel, C. IV. S., 
Chief of Chemical Warfare Service. 

HEADQUARTERS, 23rd ENGINEERS 
CAMP DEVENS, MASS. 

June 13, 1919. 

From: Commanding Officer, 23rd Engineers. 
To: Members of 23rd Engineers. 
Subject: Services of Regiment in A. E. F. 

1. The services of this Regiment having been finished, and its dissolution near at hand, the 
writer wishes to congratulate it as such, and each and every member of same on having most 
successfully carried out the work for which it was organized. This was accomplished in spite of 
numerous difficulties, some of which at times seemed almost insurmountable, but splendid spirit, 
loyal co-operation and untiring energy on the part of all, triumphed. It is fully appreciated that 
many men had service much below their capability, and that many could not be rewarded as they 
deserved, but all have the priceless satisfaction of duty well done. What anyone did was not so 
important as how he did it, and that he did his part whatever it may have been. This seemed to 
be fully appreciated by the men of this Regiment and was more than any other one thing re- 
sponsible for its highly creditable record. With that lesson so well learned, the successes of mem- 
bers of the 23rd Engineers in civil life soon to follow should be large and many. I feel that it 
was an honor and privilege to have commanded the 23rd Engineers, and desire to express my 
sincere thanks and appreciation for loyal service rendered. 

My best wishes go with each and everyone as we separate and again take up our civil duties. 

Sincerely, 

Frederick B. Kerr, 

Colonel of Engineers. 



Our Wound Stripes 



John F. Gruber J. R. Martin 

OUR GOLD STARS 

We have five graves, one in Sebastapole, France, one in Vannes, France, one in 
Bucyrus, Ohio, one in Winchester, Indiana, and one in San Diego, California. 

William Henry Davis 

The only member of the company killed in France was William H. Davis. On 
Sunday evening, August 18th, 1918, "Scotty," as he was affectionately called by the 
company, and C. W. Van Gundy went to Boucq on a pass. What happened as they 
were returning to camp is told by Van Gundy as follows: "Davis and I were on our 
way to our company camp at Central Park and were near the outskirts of Boucq, about 
9 :30 p. m. We saw two men walking ahead and as we were walking rapidly we over- 
took them in a short time. When about fifty feet back of them Davis started diagonally 
towards them. I continued to walk ahead and on the opposite side of the street. These 
two men proved later to be a military police and a prisoner he was escorting to his 
camp. We knew nothing about an arrest in Boucq and I am sure Davis did not recognize 
the man as being an M. P. Davis was between the M. P. and me and as I was walking 
and looking forward I did not notice it either. Davis approached the men closely but 
I am sure he did not touch him. Suddenly a challenge or order was given, which was 
immediately followed by two revolver shots. I was slightly in advance when the shots 
were fired and saw Davis stagger and fall to the street. Then I was halted and taken 
to their camp with the man who was under arrest. When we went back to Davis he 
was lying dead in the street near where he fell. It is my impression that he thought 
the two men were some of our own boys going back to camp." 

In March, 1921, it was brought to the attention of the officers of C Company by 
the Adjutant General, War Department, Washington, that "Wm. H. Davis, Co. C, 
23rd Engineers, was reported in cablegram as shot and killed not in line of duty and as 
a result of his own misconduct." Lieut. Garforth passed this information on to the 
members of the company and through their efforts this record was later changed and 
read that "William H. Davis, (No. 177609) Private, Company C, 23rd Engineers, 
A. E. F., died August 19th, 1918, of gunshot wound inflicted by a military police, and 
that upon investigation it has been ascertained by this Department that the death of this 
soldier occurred in line of duty and was not the result of his own misconduct." 

William H. Davis was born in Glasgow and lived there until he was grown. He 
belonged to the Highland Light Infantry Volunteers and Plantation Lodge, No. 
581, of the Masonic Order in Glasgow. His father was an American who had fought 
in the southern army through the Civil War. 

The original company roster shows Davis' age as 38, so he was beyond the first 
draft limit. He came into the company well recommended and volunteered, like the 
rest of the company in 1917. His officers found him quiet and attentive to his 
work and his comrades were fond of him. To the end of their service, they unani- 
mously spoke of him in an affectionate way and regretted his unfortunate death. He 

93 



94 



C Company, Our Book 



was buried with full military honors and with the Masonic rites, in-so-far as army reg- 
ulations and Masonic restrictions would permit. About thirty of the members of the 
company went from camp to his funeral and the Masonic members attended in a body. 
He was buried near Toul, at Sebastapole, grave No. 32. 

James Locke McFarland 

James L. McFarland enlisted in the 23rd Engineers at Ft. McDowell, Angel 
Island, Cal., on Nov. 1st, 1917, and was in the service for 13 months. He was born 
in Porterville, Cal., Oct. 19, 1889; was a high school graduate and had spent two and 
a half years at the University of California when he stopped to get some practical ex- 
perience. At the time of his enlistment he was with the General Petroleum and Pipe 
Line Co. Soon after we moved up to Creue he was sent to the hospital in Toul. After 
several weeks he was transferred to Vannes, on his way home. From there he wrote 
his mother a card, dated Feb. 4th, 1919. On the 16th he died of bronchial pneumonia, 
after an illness of less than a week, at Base Hospital No. 136. He wrote his mother 
from France that she was not to worry about him but must think of him as having 
gone on a trip and that when he returned he would have so much to tell her about his 
adventures. 

William E. Miller 

William E. Miller was a native of Bucyrus, Ohio. He was born there Nov. 28, 
1882 and died there at his father's home on March 10, 1920. At the time of his en- 
listment he was manager of the Bucyrus Hydraulic Stone and Building Block Co. He 
enlisted in the 23rd Engineers, Nov. 6, 1917, at Toledo. After returning from France 
he had gone to Toledo to work. Before the end of 1919 he contracted a cold and 
cough. In January, 1920, he gave up his work and went home, where he suffered from 
tuberculosis of the throat. The trouble finally reached his lungs and he died in March, 
1920. Miller was an experienced construction man and his work in France was of 
material assistance to the company. Particularly was this true when they were given 
the task of rebuilding and widening the De 1'Etoille which was the main military 
route used by the A. E. F. in the St. Mihiel Offensive. This road will stand for years 
as a monument to the faithful and conscientious work of Private Miller and the rest 
of the company. 

Theron K. Moxley 

T. K. Moxley was a "native son" of California, born in 1895. He enlisted from 
the Dodge Bros. Automobile Works in Sept., 1917 ; was first a member of A Company, 
23rd Engineers and was later transferred to C Company, going over with them in Jan., 

1918. In a letter to his mother he wrote "We are building highways from 

to and from to , which covers the territory from 

to . Now you know just what we are doing and where we 

are. Ha! Ha! Once in a while some homesick chap will commence talking of home 
and white collars and polka-dot ties. Oh, boy, what a grand and glorious feeling. Then 
a big gun booms and his dreams are knocked off their golden pedestal and he wakes up 
to find himself leaning on the handle of his shovel."' 



Our W ound Stripes 



95 



In Nov., while working on the roads, he was injured and sent to a hospital. After 
one operation he was sent back to the States for a second, arriving in New York in 
March, 1919, with "New York's Own." He went directly to Camp Kearny, Cal. 
His second operation was successful and in May he was dismissed as well. He married 
in June and in July went back to his old position in Detroit. His health began to fail 
soon after. In Dec. he went to a government hospital and was sent from there to the 
Detroit Tuberculosis Hospital. At the last he made a desperate effort to reach home 
but died on the train near Albuquerque, New Mexico. He was given a military burial 
and went to rest as the bugler sounded "Taps." 

Raymond K. Shockney 

Raymond K. Shockney was the Corporal of one of C Company's original squads. 
His home was with his mother in Toledo, Ohio, and he enlisted there on Sept. 24, 1917. 

He died at the age of 31 in Tucson, Arizona, on Feb. 4, 1921. When he came 
home he seemed well and worked through the winter. In April, 1920, he developed 
tuberculosis. The doctor sent him to the country with orders to stay in bed. In Oct., 
1920, his mother and sister took him to Tucson, Arizona, and he made a brave and 
cheerful fight until February. The American Legion carried his body to the train 
after his death and he was brought to Winchester, Indiana, for burial. 



Company Roster 



REGIMENTAL COMMANDERS FIRST BATTALION COMMANDERS 

Col. E. E. Johnston Maj. H. H. Stickney 

Col. Frederick B. Kerr Maj. J. P. Watson 

OFFICERS WITH C COMPANY BEFORE THE COMPANY WENT OVERSEAS 

Capt. W. V. Buck 1st Lt. L. S. Bruner 

Capt. Gault Applegarth 1st Lt. J. Vernon Butler 

Capt. H. Edmund Burke 2nd Lt. D. M. Cooper 

1st Lt. J. J. Estill 2nd Lt. A. S. McMaster 

1st Lt. W. B. Vanlnwegen 2nd Lt. Ezra Garforth 

OFFICERS WITH C COMPANY WHEN THE COMPANY WENT OVERSEAS 

Capt. J. Edmund Burke 1st Lt. J. Vernon Butler 

1st Lt. J. J. Estill 2nd Lt. A. S. McMaster 

1st Lt. W. B. Vanlnwegen 2nd Lt. Ezra Garforth 

OFFICERS WHO WERE WITH C COMPANY WHILE THE COMPANY WAS OVERSEAS 

Capt. J. Edmund Burke 1st Lt. Roger J. Hudson 

1st Lt. J. J. Estill 2nd Lt. A. S. McMaster 

1st Lt. W. B. Vanlnwegen 2nd Lt. Ezra Garforth 

1st Lt. J. Vernon Butler 2nd Lt. John H. Stevens 

1st Lt. H. Thomas Stockton 2nd Lt. Frank H. Freeto 

2nd Lt. Charles E. Miller (Assigned) 



Adams, Charles P., Amarillo, Texas. 

Akerholm, Oscar, 3303 Avenue P y 2 , Gal- 
veston, Texas. 

Allen, Dugal A., 983 Liberty Avenue, Beau- 
mont, Texas. 

Allen, George B., 1222 Eleventh St., Racine, 
Wisconsin. 

Anderson, Lawrence, 2729 W. 22nd Place, 

Chicago, Illinois. 
Ardis, Raymond H., 4210 Lancaster Avenue, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 
Arnseth, Marcus 

Baggott, Richard M., 811 Sheridan Road, 

Chicago, Illinois. 
Bailie, Ira J., 1148 Copeland Place, Los 

Angeles, Cal. 
Baker, George C, 542 Washington Street, 

Marine City, Mich. 
Baumgartner, Charles A., Brewer Furniture 

House, Tucson, Ariz. 
Bittenbender, Earl G, 1009 S. St. Bernard 

St., W. Philadelphia, Pa. 
Blay, Andrew, Mt. Clemens, Michigan. 
Bloomdahl, John H., La Fox, Illinois. 



Boote, Arthur, 880 S. Franklin St, Wilkes- 
Barre, Pa. 

Bott, Asa W., 603 W. Broadway, Glendale, 
California. 

Bowman, James C, 2208 Grape St., Denver, 
Colorado. 

Bradshaw, Robert T., La Grange, Texas. 
Brady, Thomas M., Santa Rosa, California. 
Braud, Wilbur C, Thibadaux, Louisiana. 
Britney, Elmer W., Litchfield, Minnesota. 
Brohman, M. E., Blue Lake Farm, Brohman, 
Michigan. 

Brown, Bayne, 46 Q Street, N. E., Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

Browning, Taylor S., Hutto, Texas. 

Buck, W. V., Assist. State Highway Engi- 
neer, Topeka, Kansas. 

Burke, H. Edmund, 545 Union St., Hudson, 
New York. 

Buss, Leo, 2809 W. 22nd St., Chicago, Illinois. 
Butler, J. Vernon, P. O. Drawer 338, Hunts- 

ville, Texas. 
Caldwell, W. P., Danville, Texas. 



96 



Company Roster 



97 



Christian, Emanuel H., 1089 D St., Hayward, 
California 

Clark, Aylett D., 914 Speedway, Tucson, 

Arizona. 
Clark, Ben C, Clayburne, Texas. 
Clark, Charles H., Smithville, Georgia. 
Clement, Robert W., Palacious, Texas. 
Clifford, Jack B., Care of K. of C. Hdqtrs., 

Dallas, Texas. 
Clifton, Guy L., Elk's Club, Victor, Colo. 
Clynes, Dennis J., 1680 Purchase St., New 

Bedford, Massachusetts. 
Cody, Arthur B., Ohio Bell Telephone Co., 

Salem, Ohio. 
Cole, Myron F., 533 Tennis Avenue, Ambler, 

Pennsylvania. 
Connelly, Vincent M., 509J4 Locust Street, 

McKeesport, Pennsylvania. 
Conway, James A., Gildford, Montana. 
Cooper, D. M., Lisbon, Ohio. 
Costa, Umberto, 924 Vallejo St., San Fran- 
cisco, California. 
Courtney, John P., 7382 Constance Avenue, 

Detroit, Michigan. 
Crawford, Henry B., Gary, Indiana. 
Crickmer, Chas. S., 3722^ S. Main Street, 

Los Angeles, California. 
Crider, Ellison S., Bishop, Texas. 
Cross, Chas. E., Baltimore Sun — Composing 

Room, Baltimore, Maryland 
Cyr, Bert P., Everson, Washington. 
Davis, Walter L., 2210 Fitzhugh St., Bay 

City, Michigan. 
» Davis, William H., Central Falls, R. I. 
Deal, Howard S., 63 Division St., Amsterdam, 

New York. 
De Mars, A. J., St. Anne, Illinois. 
De Pledge, W., 201 WaWaWai St., Colfax, 

Washington. 
Dolven, Noel B., Care of Security Bridge 

Co., Billings, Montana. 
Donovan, E. R., 178 E. 4th St., Oswego, 

New York. 

Doran, Thomas H., 3914 Brandywine St., 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

Downing, Daniel F., 30 Ash St., Cambridge, 
Massachusetts. 

Drake, Chas. B., Thompson Bldg., Harris- 
burg, Illinois. 

Dredge, A. F., 282 Adams St., Los Angeles, 
California. 

Duffy, Frank M., 5530 Howe St., Pittsburg, 
Pennsylvania. 



Dugger, Walter A., 815 N. Forest Ave., 
Brazil, Indiana. 

Eckerd, Kennedy M., 1103 State St., Erie, Pa. 

Ellis, Frank, 1405 E. Twelfth Street, Cleve- 
land, Ohio. 

Epstein, David 

Erikson, Clarence G., 5715 Glenwood Ave., 

Chicago, Illinois. 
Estill, Joe J., Grapevine, Texas. 
Etter, Charles G., 4112 Old York Road, Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania. 
Farsht, John W., La Crosse, Wisconsin. 
Felch, Will P., 916 East St., Colfax, Wash. 
Fenner, Ray, Gen. Delivery, Muskegon, Mich. 
Ferry, Edward P., 38 Hawthorne Avenue, 

Crafton, Pennsylvania. 
Fishburn, Cyrus C, 340 Ludlow Avenue, 

(Clifton) Cincinnati, Ohio. 
Fisher, William C, 104 S. Richards Avenue, 

Atlantic City, New Jersey. 
Flahive, Francis B., Connecticut Power Co., 

New London, Connecticut. 
Fortner, Edward, 5434 W. 24th Place, Cicero, 

Illinois. 

Foster, Clee W., 512 Jackson Ave., Seward, 
Nebraska. 

France, Elting A., 1503 Kenilworth Avenue, 

Cleveland, Ohio. 
Francis, Leonard, 1227 Perry Street, Detroit, 

Michigan. 

Fredley, Louis J., 506 Second Avenue, Yuma, 
Arizona. 

Freeto, Frank H., 130 N. Volutsia Avenue, 

Wichita, Kansas. 
Frink, Russell A., Engineering Dept., Sibley, 

Iowa. 

Fritz, John M., 820 S. Main St., Wilkes-Barre, 

Pennsylvania. 
Fry, Geo. W., Burlington Pike and Cove 

Road, Merchantville, New Jersey. 
Funk, Frank F., 139 Ulysses St., Pittsburg, 

Pennsylvania. 
Galloway, Frederick S., 2980 St. Jean Ave., 

Detroit, Michigan. 
Garforth, Ezra, 5128 Parkside Ave., Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania. 
George, Ermire X., Lilly, Pennsylvania. 
Germain, Alexander J., Somerset, Wisconsin. 
Gibson, Robert J., Jr., 230 North Pitt St., 

Mercer, Pennsylvania. 
Gillespie, John W., Nat. Oil and Refining 

Co., Houston, Texas. 



Deceased. 



98 



C Company, Our Book 



Gilliland, Joseph W., Co. G, 22 Inf., Fort 
Niagara, New York. 

Gilsenan, Thomas P., 2837 Webster Street, 
Berkeley, California. 

Gloege, Arthur J., Bellingham, Minnesota. 

Gonter, Anthony J., 1501 Clay Ave., Detroit, 
Michigan. 

Gosling, Kenneth C. 

Grant, Arthur F., Lakeview, Maine. 

Gray, Durbin L., 3703 Powelton Ave., Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania. 

Greene, Raymond O., R. D. 36, Middleport, 
New York. 

Grigsby, Henry B., 220 S. Church Street, 
Palestine, Texas. 

Gruber, G. F., Hagerstown, Maryland. 

Grzybowski, Thadore D., Ruth, Michigan. 

Gustafson, Oscar R., 390 Congress St., De- 
troit, Michigan. 

Guy, Walter G., Clyde, New York. 

Haeberhorn, John V., Baltimore, Maryland. 

Hall, John, 1741 S. 55th St., Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania. 

Hankins, Ray L., Box 24, Dunbar, Pa. 

Harrower, Bruce L., 1029 Murrayhill Ave., 
Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. 

Harvey, Walling E., 1626 Monroe St., N. W., 
Washington, D. C. 

Hauser, Marion L., Ingomar, California. 

Haviland, John T., 1415 Lafayette Street, 
Alameda, California. 

Heatley, David B., P. O. Box 261, Man- 
chester, Connecticut. 

Hess, Walter, Strauss Bascule Bridge Co., 
Chicago, Illinois. 

Hewitt, Frank C, R. D. Box 81, Loomis, 
California. 

Hicks, Elwood L., Chestertown, Maryland. 
Higgins, Frank W., New York. 
Hill, Harvey, 919 Emmet St., Petoskey, Mich. 
Hinnant, Archie A., 930 Coffman St., San 

Antonio, Texas. 
Hodgdon, Walter L., 18th and Washington 

Sts., Springfield, Illinois. 
Hodson, Bernard 

Holland, George W., 1045 E. 71st Street, 

Cleveland, Ohio. 
Holtje, Herbert F., 108 Morgan St., Union 

Hill, New Jersey. 
Hoskins, John T., Route 8, Box 3, Memphis, 

Missouri. 

Houppert, Cyril H., 2071 Ferdinand Ave., 
Detroit, Michigan. 



Hudson, Roger J., 510 Burwell Bldg., Knox- 
ville, Tennessee. 

Hughes, Frank H., 744 East 27th St., Pater- 
son, New Jersey. 

Jackson, Clarke R., 43 Lincoln Ave., Bing- 
hamton, New York. 

Jacobsen, Petter A., 249 First St., San Fran- 
cisco, California. 

Johnson, Nelson C, 1330 Nineteenth St., De- 
troit, Michigan. 

Johnston, William A., 913 Kearney St., Port 
Huron, Michigan. 

Johnston, W. Earle, Box 178, Freeport, Pa. 

Joiner, James W., Rock Hill, Maryland. 

Jones, Oliver M., 90 Highway Com., 629 
Cedar Rapids Savings Bank Bldg., 
Cedar Rapids, Iowa. 

Jones, William F., 326 Exchange St., Em- 
poria, Kansas. 

Jordan, Joe F., Irvington, Illinois. 

June, Harry F., 5744 Race Ave., Chicago, 111. 

Kaeding, George J., 378 Lawndale Avenue, 
Detroit, Michigan. 

Kerr, Frederick B., Clearfield, Pennsylvania. 

Kinney, Fred B., N. 16th St., Harrisburg, Pa. 

Knight, Glen K., 905 W. Rich St., Columbus, 
Ohio. 

Knutson, Raymond J., 126 S. E., Bell Ave., 
Des Moines, Iowa. 

Kreighbaum, Earl G., 415 High St., Barber- 
ton, Ohio. 

Kretz, William A., 1311 Diana St., Pitts- 
burg, Pennsylvania. 
La Bell, Alfred, Ossineke, Michigan. 
Lewis, George G., Chinchulla, Alabama. 
Linabury, Glen J. 

Livengood, Wesley C, Ford Cliff, Pa. 

Longley, Frank R., Miller Mfg. Co., Chat- 
tanooga, Tennessee. 

Lowther, Russell A., 539 Continental Avenue, 
Detroit, Michigan. 

Lucas, Robert M., 867 W. Lombard Street, 
Baltimore, Maryland. 

Luley, Ray A., 2944 Kenwood Avenue, In- 
dianapolis, Indiana. 

McCall, H. G. 

McCartney, P. L., 49 High St., Newburg, 

New York. 
McCullough, Nelson, Libby, Montana. 
* McFarland, J. L., R. D. 1, Box 168, Porter- 

ville, California. 
McGee, Tate, 324 N. Broadway, Shawnee, 

Oklahoma. 



* Deceased. 



Company Roster 



99 



McGovern, Emmett A., 1763 Townsend Ave., 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 
McGuire, Walter T., 491 Broadway, S. 

Boston, Massachusetts. 
McKenzie, William D., Box 456, Hatties- 

burg, Mississippi. 
McLauthlin, Thomas F., Care of W. O. 

Smith, 2232 Walbrook Ave., Baltimore, 

Maryland. 

McMaster, A. S., 4024 Worth St., Dallas, Tex. 

McPherson, Kenneth R. 

McRoberts, Howard W., 7313 Idlewild St., 
Homewood, Pennsylvania. 

Maier, Charles, 1572 Winton Avenue, Lake- 
wood, Ohio. 

Marble, Wiley H., Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. 

Marc, Louis F. 

Marckhoff, Carl S. T., 41 Woodland Ave., 

San Francisco, California. 
Marsh, Daniel 

Marsh, George S., 306 Berger Bldg., Pitts- 
burg, Pennsylvania. 

Marshall, John L., 1601 Dodd Street, Rose- 
dale, Kansas. 

Martin, Clay S., Box 1203, Ponca City, Okla. 

Martin, J. R., Eldorado, Illinois. 

Matheson, Bruce, Hadlock, Washington. 

Metzker, Victor, c/o Jack Couch, Dulce, New 
Mexico. 

Miehls, George H., 301 N. Gay St., Mt. 

Vernon, Ohio. 
Millen, Clarke, 237 Raymond Ave., South 

Orange, New Jersey. 
Miller, Earl H., 614 Grace St., Williamsport, 

Pennsylvania. 
Miller, Charles E., Jersey City, N. J. 

* Miller, William E., 611 East Warren St., 

Bucyrus, Ohio. 
Milligan, Jesse C, Gary Indiana. 
Mitchell, William E., Birdsboro, Pa. 
Moninger, William H., 20 Stanley Ave., 

(Ingram), Pittsburg, Pa. 
Morrison, Arthur J., 3554 Kroger Avenue, 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 
Morton, James G., 1623 Vine St., Nashville, 

Tennessee. 

* Moxley, Theron K., 541 21st St., San Diego, 

California. 

Mullery, Stephen P., 521 W. 131st Street, 

New York, N. Y. 
Nave, Louis J., P. O. Box 6, Novato, Cal. 
Nesvold, Ira O., 1142 Clinton St., Portland, 

Oregon. 



Newman, Benjamin 

Noble, William W., Platina, California. 
Oakes, Walter C, Florence Station, Omaha, 
Nebraska. 

O'Brien, Edward P., 7220 Eberhart Avenue, 

Chicago, Illinois. 
Oliver, Frank J., Los Angeles, California. 
Olson, L. E., 1650 Hillcrest Road, Cleveland 

Heights, Ohio. 
Oppenheimer, Arthur L., 404 Sheldon Ave., 

S. E., Grand Rapids, Michigan. 
Orr, John, Box 512, Hayden, Arizona. 
Pagels, George E., Roger City, Michigan. 
Patterson, J. S., Care of Patterson-Gibbs Co., 

Chicago, Illinois. 
Payne, Joseph S., 306 W. Market St., Mercer, 

Pennsylvania. 
Perry, Henry V., 1035 Goodfellow Avenue, 

St. Louis, Missouri. 
Peters, Henry D., 460 N. Pacific St., Cape 

Girardeau, Missouri. 
Phillips, Harry H., Fresno, California. 
Piche, Ralph J., 650 Bedford St., Sandwich, 

Ontario. 

Pruitt, Bethel H., Stotts City, Missouri. 

Quinn, Wilbur, Camp 33, Southern Cal. Edi- 
son Co., Big Creek, California. 

Racey, Theodore M., Care of D. & R. G. 
R. R, Soldier Summit, Utah. 

Ransom, Charles F., Spencer, New York. 

Rawhouser, Glen D., Murdo, South Dakota. 

Reed, C. V., Sanger, California. 

Reed, Karl D., Elmore, Ohio. 

Reed, Leroy T., 11805 Buckingham Avenue, 
Cleveland, Ohio. 

Rice, Frank L., 5862 Harding Avenue, De- 
troit, Michigan. 

Rickard, William H., Colo. Fuel and Iron 
Co., Pueblo, Colorado. 

Roberts, Lewis, Box 601, Victor, Colorado. 

Robertshaw, Henry M., Los Angeles, Cal. 

Robertson, Jackson, Berea College, Berea, Ky. 

Rogals, Leo, 3941 S. Kedzie St., Chicago, 111. 

Rose, Albert L., 409 N. Pittsburg St., Con- 
nellsville, Pennsylvania. 

Rowbotham, G. S., 1421 N. 17th St., Apt. 4, 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

Rudolph, Luther H., Crown Point, Indiana. 

Sailers, Harry, Emeryville, West Virginia. 

Samuels, Henry E., Monticello, California. 

Satran, Peter M. 

Schaeperklaus, Lewis, 3841 Lowell Avenue, 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 



*Deceased. 



100 



C Company, Our Book 



Schiener, Walter F., 108 Deerfield Avenue, 

Buffalo, New York. 
Schuster, Joseph B., Box 1012, Wenatchee, 

Washington. 
Scott, Robert P., 623 West Main Avenue, 

Knoxville, Tennessee. 
Seaver, Clifford M., La Mont, Washington. 
Shaner, Paul L., 8th and Ann Sts., Home- 
stead, Pennsylvania. 
Sheadle, Paul R., Williamsport, Pa. 
Shepley, Charles H., 640 W. 11th Street, Erie, 

Pennsylvania. 
*Shockney, Raymond K., Toledo, Ohio. 
Siddall, Herbert H., 5557 Drexel Avenue, 

Chicago, Illinois. 
Sisson, Edwin E., 408 Taum Ave., Houston, 

Texas. 

Sluyter, Ray H., 951 Division Ave., Grand 
Rapids, Michigan. 

Smedley, Wallace A., 2296 N. Sixth Street, 
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. 

Smith, Dudley E., Carlsbad, New Mexico. 

Smith, Thomas, 320 Richland Ave., War- 
wood, West Virginia. 

Smyth, Clyde H., 921 E. Washington Street, 
New Castle, Pennsylvania. 

Snyder, Charles S., New Bethlehem, Pa. 

Spencer, L. J., Used Car Dept., Reo Auto Co., 
Los Angeles, California. 

Sterk, Henry J. 

Sterl, Carl W., 28 Montague St., Worcester, 
Massachusetts. 

Stevens, John H. Rome, New York. 

Stockton, H. Thomas, 905 Market St., Marcus 
Hook, Pennsylvania. 

Strickland, William M., Dallas, Texas. 

Sullivan, Charles E., 243 Walnut St., New 
Orleans, Louisiana. 

Suppnick, Walter A., 3141 Crane Ave., De- 
troit, Michigan. 

Tanner, Henry L., 514 Pacific St., Monterey, 
California. 

Templin, Arthur W., Minneapolis, Kansas. 
Thibault, John S., Lyons, Nebraska. 
Thomas, Ambrose, Detroit, Michigan. 
Thompson, Harley M., Willard, Wisconsin. 

*Deceased. 



Thompson, William A. 

Turner, George E., American Ry. Ex., Frank- 
lin, Pennsylvania. 
Underhill, John A. 

Van Gundy, Clarence W., R. R. No. 8, Chilli- 

cothe, Ohio. 
Van Inwegen, Willard B., Port Jarvis, N. Y. 
Vollette, Otto W., 416 Dallas Ave., Houston, 

Texas. 

Walborn, Karl W., Dearborn, Michigan. 
Walkotte, Harry W. 

Wall, Frank, San Francisco, California. 

Wallace, John, 2730 Zephyr Avenue, Pitts- 
burg, Pennsylvania. 

Wannamaker, Homer F., 3007 Penn Ave., N., 
Minneapolis, Minnesota. 

Watson, P. J. Jr., 1961 Ry. Exchange Bldg., 
St. Louis, Missouri. 

Watts, Fred W., 1035 Superior St., Toledo, 
Ohio. 

Weatherly, Thomas F., 225 South 20th St., 

Lincoln, Nebraska. 
Weddle, Guy S., Care of York Haven Paper 

Co., York Haven, Pennsylvania. 
Whipple, Harold C, Saugatuck, Michigan. 
Whitt, Grover C, 1248 R Street, Fresno, 

California. 
Wilde, Russell A., Bay City, Michigan. 
Wieger, George J., Trenton, New Jersey. 
Wilson, Harry, R. D. 1, Cincinnatus, N. Y. 
Wilson, Leonard C, R. D. 3, Nottingham, Pa. 
Wilson, William H., 5217 Franklin Avenue, 

Cleveland, Ohio. 
Wing, Robt. L., Stanford Univ., California. 
Wirsching, Ernest D., 230 W. 27th Street, 

Los Angeles, California. 
Wolf, Albert J., Chandler, Arizona. 
Woodall, John B., Ranger, Texas. 
Woods, Clifford T., Welch, Oklahoma. 
Woods, Harry A. 

Wymola, Albert J., 512 E. Alamo Avenue, 

Brenham, Texas. 
Young, James A., 818 N. Cedar St., Tacoma, 

Washington. 
Zahn, John P., City Hall, Fond du Lac, Wis. 



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